摘要：《剑桥国际事务评论》（The Cambridge Review of International Affairs，简称 CRIA）是一份经过同行评审的学术期刊，旨在促进社会科学领域中关于国际事务的辩论和研究。其涵盖的学科包括国际研究、国际关系、国际历史、国际法
期刊简介
《剑桥国际事务评论》（The Cambridge Review of International Affairs，简称 CRIA）是一份经过同行评审的学术期刊，旨在促进社会科学领域中关于国际事务的辩论和研究。其涵盖的学科包括国际研究、国际关系、国际历史、国际法和国际政治经济学，并致力于在学者与政策制定者之间搭建交流平台。CRIA广义地定义国际事务领域，鼓励新颖的跨学科研究，以拓展当前学术研究和思维的视野。虽然该期刊经常发表高质量的定量研究，但其主要目标是为关注跨学科和定性方法以及理论创新的学术研究提供论坛。特别是，CRIA对将当代辩论置于更广泛历史背景下的历史性国际关系研究表现出浓厚兴趣。
该期刊由剑桥大学政治与国际研究系的编辑团队负责编辑，目前的主编为Connor O'Brien和Taif Alkhudary。CRIA，每年发行六期。五年影响因子为：2.5。
本期目录
1 半导体的悖论——主权与相互依赖之间的欧盟治理逻辑
The paradox of semiconductors—EU governance between sovereignty and interdependence
2 将科技纳入权力平衡政治：中美之间的“网络平衡”策略
Bringing technology into the balance of power politics: ‘network balancing’ between the United States and China
3 外交政策中的党派政治：解读土耳其的“民族主义转向”及其介入2020年纳卡战争
The partisan politics of foreign policy: explaining Turkey’s ‘nationalist turn’ and its involvement in the 2020 Karabakh war
4 超越观念传播的结合：通过不平衡与综合发展视角探析巴林阿拉伯民族主义的起源与路径
Combination beyond ideational diffusion: origins and vectors of Bahrain’s Arab nationalism through uneven and combined development
5 国际政治中的权力真空：一个概念性框架
Power vacuums in international politics: a conceptual framework
6 物以类聚？韩国与波兰之间的军火贸易
Like knows like? Arms trade between South Korea and Poland
内容摘要
半导体的悖论——主权与相互依赖之间的欧盟治理逻辑
题目：The paradox of semiconductors—EU governance between sovereignty and interdependence
作者：Linda Monsees，布拉格国际关系研究所的高级研究员，研究涵盖网络安全、加密和虚假信息等主题，尤其关注公共和公共性的概念。
摘要：半导体是数字社会最关键的技术之一，也是欧盟推动“数字主权”议程的核心组成部分。本文指出，半导体治理存在一种内在的紧张关系：一方面，这一治理嵌入于欧盟的数字主权框架，暗示某种程度的自给自足是可能的；另一方面，半导体的生产高度全球化，无法完全脱离跨国分工。本文借助关键基础设施研究的理论视角，分析了“数字主权”如何赋予半导体以特定的价值意义。在此背景下，“数字主权”不仅是技术治理的政治主张，更成为欧盟贸易、经济与科研政策合法化的工具。欧盟一方面强调构建强大的本土半导体产业，另一方面也承认全球供应链面临的跨国风险。在此双重逻辑下，对跨国企业进行补贴成为政策上的自然回应。从政治角度看，很难对这些补贴以及关于未来创新的基本假设提出质疑。
Semiconductors are among the most important technologies for the digital society and a core technology of the European Union (EU)'s digital sovereignty agenda. The main argument of this article is that the governance of semiconductors is shaped by an inherent tension. On the one hand, this governance is embedded in the agenda of digital sovereignty, suggesting some form of autarky is possible. On the other hand, the production of semiconductors is necessarily globally distributed. This study draws on critical infrastructure literature, which enables us to explore how semiconductors are loaded with values that are inscribed via digital sovereignty. In the case of semiconductors, digital sovereignty works as a tool for legitimising trade, economic and research policies. The need for a strong semiconductor industry in the EU and the globalised nature of threats against the supply chain are acknowledged simultaneously. In turn, subsidising global corporations has turned out to be the natural response. Politically, it becomes difficult to contest these subsidies, as well as the underlying assumption concerning future innovation.
将科技纳入权力平衡政治：中美之间的“网络平衡”策略
题目：Bringing technology into the balance of power politics: ‘network balancing’ between the United States and China
作者：Jisoo Hyun，首尔大学国际事务研究所的访问研究员、韩国首尔梨花女子大学国际问题研究生院博士后研究员，研究兴趣在于技术与国际关系之间的联系，特别关注关键技术的安全影响。
摘要：冷战结束后，全球联系日益紧密，国际关系领域中的安全概念也逐渐扩展到非军事领域，如经济、人口与环境等。然而，科技因素直到近年才开始引起学术界的广泛关注。尽管已有研究认识到技术对世界政治格局的重要影响，但在理论层面上，科技通常仍被视为外部变量，而非国际政治运行机制中的核心组成部分。这种理论工具的缺失，使得科技难以在国际关系研究中占据中心位置。为通过将技术纳入该领域的核心讨论来补充现有的国际关系学术，本文引入“网络平衡”（network balancing）这一模型作为新分析框架，研究了网络技术与大国平衡策略之间的联系。文章以当前中美在信息通信技术领域的战略竞争为案例运用“网络平衡”模型加以分析。
As the world became increasingly interconnected in the post-Cold War era, the concept of security within the IR field has been extended to include non-military aspects such as economic, demographic and environmental aspects. Yet, the technological aspect has not received much attention within the field until recently. While the importance of technologies has been recognised for their impact on the contours of world politics in existing studies, their conceptualisation within the discipline has remained quite limited; they have been mostly taken as a black-boxed exogenous factor rather than something integral to how international politics are carried out. The lack of clear conceptual and analytical frameworks makes it difficult to incorporate technology as a core component of international relations discussions. Hence, as an attempt to complement the existing IR scholarship by bringing technology into the core discussion of the field, this article investigates the link between network technology and the balancing strategies of great powers by introducing a new analytical framework called the ‘network balancing’ model. The model is then applied to the case of ongoing US-China rivalry over information and communications technologies.
外交政策中的党派政治：解读土耳其的“民族主义转向”及其介入2020年纳卡战争
题目：The partisan politics of foreign policy: explaining Turkey’s ‘nationalist turn’ and its involvement in the 2020 Karabakh war
作者：Azar Babayev，阿塞拜疆ADA大学政治学副教授，目前的研究重点是解决冲突和政权支持，特别是在后苏联时期；Lala Jumayeva，阿塞拜疆ADA大学国际事务助理教授，目前的研究兴趣集中在种族冲突、冲突解决和调解上。
摘要：本文从理论视角出发，探讨了党派政治如何影响国家的外交政策，特别是当政党面临国内政治生存压力时的应对方式。结合有关政党意识形态与权力追求的最新研究，本文提供了一种理解外交政策新变化的视角。文章将土耳其作为一个混合的、因此不稳定的政权国家为案例，利用专家访谈等定性资料，分析党派政治与外交行为之间的两大关键联系：政党意识形态与政党领导层。具体而言，本文认为，土耳其执政党正义与发展党（AKP）为了维持其国内执政地位，逐步采取更具民族主义和民粹主义色彩的政策，并与主要民族主义政党民族行动党（MHP）结成联盟。这一政治结盟推动了民族主义话语在土耳其外交政策中的主导地位，也使该国在国际事务中采取了更具强硬性甚至冒险性的举措。最典型的例子就是土耳其政府在2020年纳卡战争中对阿塞拜疆的坚定支持。
This article addresses the party politics of foreign policy through a theoretically informed analysis of the political survival imperative in a domestic context. Building on recent research on party ideologies and political survival/power-seeking, it offers a fresh perspective on the influence of partisan politics on foreign policy. Drawing on qualitative data, including expert interviews, the article uses the case of Turkey as a hybrid, and thus unstable, regime to examine the partisan aspects of foreign policy with a focus on two basic links between party politics and foreign policy behaviour: party ideologies and party leadership. Specifically, the article argues that the ruling AKP’s need for domestic survival led to increasingly nationalist, populist behaviour and the formation of an alliance with the main nationalist party MHP, which in turn led to the dominance of a nationalist discourse in Turkish foreign policy, contributing to coercive or risky international moves. This is best exemplified by the AKP government’s strong support for Azerbaijan in the 2020 Karabakh war.
超越观念传播的结合：通过不平衡与综合发展视角探析巴林阿拉伯民族主义的起源与路径
题目：Combination beyond ideational diffusion: origins and vectors of Bahrain’s Arab nationalism through uneven and combined development
作者：Hsinyen Lai （賴炘延），圣安德鲁斯大学国际关系学院的副讲师，致力于国际历史社会学以及中东（尤其是海湾地区）的国际关系研究。
摘要：在中东国际关系（International Relations of the Middle East, IRME）研究中，很难将海湾阿拉伯国家统一纳入对阿拉伯民族主义的讨论框架中。尽管近年来出现了一些关于海湾地区“另类民族主义历史”的研究，现有关于海湾国际关系的文献仍较少从理论上深入探讨阿拉伯民族主义如何在英国殖民统治下，通过海湾食利经济发展中作为一种晚期资本主义社会形态的特殊历史过程而产生并演变。为推动这一理论探索，本文运用“不平衡与综合发展”（Uneven and Combined Development, UCD）的概念，分析英国殖民统治下巴林的案例。文章认为，在英国殖民背景下，资本主义在海湾的综合发展通过石油商品化这一社会机制充分激活了阿拉伯民族主义。这一历史性的结合过程既推动了巴林早期资本主义的发展，也重塑了阶级关系与社会内部矛盾，进而影响了巴林阿拉伯民族主义的形成。更为重要的是，这种“结合”将复兴运动（al-Nahda）时期早期传播的民族意识转化为现代意义上的民族主义意识形态，使巴林的民族主义议程呈现出一种区别于中东其他案例的独特经验。
One cannot easily situate the Gulf Arab states homogenously within the literature on Arab nationalism in the scholarship of the International Relations of the Middle East (IRME). Despite the recent historiography of ‘other histories’ of Arab nationalism in the Gulf, the extant research on the international relations of the Gulf has rarely theoretically interrogated how Arab nationalism derived from and evolved through the progression of rentier economy in the Gulf under British Colonialism as a peculiar historical process of late-capitalist social formation. To advance such a theoretical endeavour, this paper applies the concept of uneven and combined development (UCD) to the case of Bahrain under British colonialism. It argues that combined capitalist development in the Gulf under British colonialism fully activated Arab nationalism through the social mechanism of oil commodification. This historical process of combination created a vector for Bahrain’s early capitalist development and generated changing class relations and internal contradictions associated with the origins of Bahrain’s Arab nationalism. Most importantly, ‘combination’ transformed an early diffused national consciousness in the era of al-Nahda into a nationalist ideology in modern times, of which its agenda presents Bahrain’s peculiar experience among other non-peculiar cases in the Middle East.
国际政治中的权力真空：一个概念性框架
题目：Power vacuums in international politics: a conceptual framework
作者：Moritz S.Graefrath，欧洲大学研究所政治和社会科学系的马克斯·韦伯博士后研究员，研究涉及国际关系理论和国际安全的交叉领域，主要关注大国政治、大战略和概念创新。
摘要：在国际政治实践与研究中，决策者和学者常常提到“权力真空”（Power Vacuums）这一现象，其使用背景涵盖内战、霸权衰退乃至大国收缩等多种情境。然而，在国际关系研究中，学者们普遍未能将“权力真空”作为一个社会科学概念加以系统探讨。这使得当前关于权力真空的政策讨论难以依托严谨的社会科学分析，同时也引发了对该概念分析效用的质疑。本文主张，“权力真空”不仅仅是一个流行术语，更是一个具有理论潜力的概念。笔者将“权力真空”定义为某一空间中权威崩溃的状态。在国际政治语境下，不同类型的组织可在多个政治层级上主张权威，因此作者提出了多种类型的权力真空，其中“国家层面”与“国际层面”的真空对于国际关系研究尤为重要。作者认为这一概念框架不仅有助于解释该术语在现实中的多样化使用方式，也为政策制定者关切的重要议题提供了新的研究路径，并揭示出在国际关系中跨越传统僵严格的主题边界进行更密切合作的潜力。
Policymakers and academics alike frequently invoke power vacuums as important phenomena in international politics, referring to them in a diverse array of contexts ranging from civil war to the decline and retrenchment of great powers. However, students of international relations (IR) have largely neglected to seriously engage ‘power vacuum’ as a social scientific concept. This renders it virtually impossible to undergird current policy debates on power vacuums with social scientific analysis, and more generally raises doubts about the concept’s analytic utility. In this piece, I argue that ‘power vacuum’ is not merely a popular buzzword but a concept with considerable theoretical promise. I develop a conceptualisation of power vacuums as spaces that experience authority collapse. Since, in the context of international politics, organisations can claim authority on several political levels, I posit the existence of several types of power vacuums of which two appear particularly relevant to the study of IR: national and international vacuums. My conceptualisation is able to reflect the diverse ways in which the term is currently utilised, paves the way for novel research on a subject of great concern to policymakers, and uncovers the potential for closer collaboration across traditionally rigid thematic boundaries within IR.
物以类聚？韩国与波兰之间的军火贸易
题目：Like knows like? Arms trade between South Korea and Poland
作者：侯鹏飞，新疆大学政治与公共管理学院副教授。
摘要：在俄乌冲突的背景下，韩国对波兰的武器出口大幅增长。尽管经济因素在一定程度上可以解释这一趋势，但由于军火贸易也受到意识形态和地缘政治因素的影响，因此有必要更加深入探讨这一出口激增背后的动因。本文运用“中等强国”（Middle Power）这一概念，研究韩国向波兰出口武器这一看似偶发的现象。尽管中等强国之间的军火贸易并不罕见，但韩国在一年内对波兰的军售规模扩大了十倍以上，却是一件十分罕见的事情。在东亚国家纷纷寻求在欧洲扩大军事存在的过程中，中国加强了与塞尔维亚的军事合作，而日本则与意大利和英国共同研发下一代战斗机。相比之下，韩国选择进入波兰市场，持续开发其合作潜力，并探索建立“中等强国联盟”的可能性。
South Korea has drastically increased its arms exports to Poland against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Although economic factors help explain this increase, we need to enquire deeply into the upsurge of interest since the arms trade is also dictated by ideological and geopolitical considerations. This article investigates the seemingly arbitrary export of arms from South Korea to Poland by employing the concept of middle power. Although arms trade between middle powers is not rare, it is rare that South Korea has increased its volume to Poland by more than tenfold in a single year. In East Asian countries’ race to increase their military presence in Europe, China has strengthened its military cooperation with Serbia, while Japan has joined with Italy and the UK to develop the next generation of combat aircraft. South Korea, instead, has made its foray into Poland, continuously exploiting the potential there and exploring the possibility of middle-power alliance.
编译：张启峰，国政学人编译员，昆士兰大学国际关系+和平与冲突研究专业。
审校 | 赖永祯 张潇文
排版 | 喻俊
本文源于Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol. 38, No. 1, 2025. 本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。
来源：国政学人