摘要：1835年，东印度咖啡的关税降至6便士，随后又颁布了一项法律，规定任何产地的咖啡，如果从好望角以东的英国属地或该地进口，均须缴纳9便士的关税。因此，这项修改实际上使关税如下：
19世纪初英国的咖啡和糖种植与贸易
咖啡和糖。
1824年之前，这两种商品同样受到最大程度的保护和关注。咖啡的关税为
表1
西印度每磅0.1先令0便士。
东印度每磅1.6便士。
外国每磅2.6便士。
从那时起，咖啡可以说是自由贸易试验的宠儿，而糖则成了贸易保护的宠儿。1825年，赫斯基森先生对咖啡进行了试验。他将以下商品的关税降低：
表2
西印度每磅0.6便士。
东印度每磅9便士。
外国每磅1.3便士。
1835年，东印度咖啡的关税降至6便士，随后又颁布了一项法律，规定任何产地的咖啡，如果从好望角以东的英国属地或该地进口，均须缴纳9便士的关税。因此，这项修改实际上使关税如下：
表3
西印度咖啡0.6便士
东印度咖啡6便士
外国咖啡9便士
另加1便士运费。
因此，西印度咖啡过去享有的对东印度咖啡的保护税率为50%，对外国咖啡的保护税率为150%；而自1835年起，对东印度咖啡的保护税率已完全取消，对外国咖啡的保护税率降至50%。这便是一次伟大的自由贸易试验，它在1824年启动时，曾被西印度利益集团斥责为部长头脑中最大的妄想。现在让我们看看结果：
表4
1824年，我们进口的咖啡总量为50,674,249磅，1840年为70,250,766磅
1824年，在进口总量中，我们消费了：
磅。
西印度，每磅关税1先令0便士，7,947,890磅；东印度……1先令6便士，313,513磅
外国……2先令6便士，1,540磅
磅。8,262,943磅
1840年，在进口总量中，我们消费了——
西印度和东印度，每磅关税……磅。
每磅6便士，共计14,443,399英镑
外国9便士，
加上运费1便士，共计10便士，共计14,143,433英镑
外国直接收入3便士，共计77,504英镑
1840年低税率收入28,664,336英镑
表5
1824年，按高税率计算的收入为
420,988英镑
1840年低税率收入为921,551英镑
1824年，优质牙买加咖啡保税价格（含高额禁制税）为：
1月，每英担113先令至118先令
7月，99先令至101先令
11月，97先令至100先令
1840年，由于关税降低和保护措施减少，
价格为：
1月，每英担125先令至132先令。
7月，每英担124先令至128先令。
11月，每英担120先令至125先令。
因此，可以说进口量增加了20,423,000磅；消费量增加了20,402,000磅；由于之前的最低关税降至一半，且差别关税相对取消，收入增加了一倍多；尽管东印度和外国咖啡的供应量大幅增加，按照旧税率（每英担2先令6便士）计算，这些咖啡实际上已被禁止进口，但牙买加咖啡（商人和种植园主保税）的价格仍然高于1824年。
我们必须对这一非同寻常的结果进行一番思考和反思。1824 年咖啡消费量为 8,262,943 磅，即 73,776 英担，保税平均价格为每英担 100 先令，价值 368,880 英镑。1840 年咖啡消费量为 28,664,336 磅，即 255,931 英担；考虑到东印度和外国咖啡占很大比例，如果仅按每英担 80 先令计算，价值为 1,023,7247 英镑。
考虑到所有相关利益，首先要考虑的是，需要额外增加船只数量来运载255,931 英担。而不是73,776英担——卸货和仓储的就业——进口商和明辛巷经纪人的生意增加，经他们之手的贸易额从36,880英担增至1,023,724英担。批发商在全国范围内的分销和店主的零售也增加了28,664,336英担，而不是8,262,943英担；供应增加给社会带来了好处，税收从420,98英担增至921,551英担。此外，生产者实际上获得了比1824年少量生产更高的价格——所有人都受益，无人受损。
不过，这只是好处的一半。我们需要出口1,023,724盎司（约合1.023万盎司）的制成品或矿产品来支付这批咖啡，而不是368,8801盎司（约合3.68万盎司）。全国各地将投入新的劳动力来生产这些产品；这些劳动力将带来消费更多农产品、更多其他种类制成品以及其他殖民地或外国产品的能力。此外，我们还需要出口商人、内陆承运人和码头工人的更多业务；而且，所有这些额外的需求都是为了运载增加的外运货物；此外，还需要大量的额外合法资本来开展交易。
所有这些都与人口以每天一千人的速度增长的情况非常吻合；如果这成为我们商业政策中的常态而不是例外，利西，我们不应该抱怨贸易匮乏、收入不足或人口过剩。
反思这些运作，我们发现，人们不断试图在国内价值和对外贸易之间做出区分，这是多么愚蠢。所有这些因咖啡（或玉米或任何其他商品）的进口和支付而增加的交易，正是良好的国内贸易的要素；消费能力从一个阶级流通到另一个阶级；一个阶级的工匠通过花费他们的工资为另一个阶级的工匠提供就业机会；这些又以累积的方式流通；我们雇佣的每一个额外的人，都会通过他的消费立即帮助其他人找到就业机会；所有人都共同增加了对地球果实的消费；利益在所有阶级中流通，并创造了所谓的良好国内贸易：但事实是，对外贸易和国内贸易实际上是同义词；同样同义的是“本土产业”和“外国产业”这两个术语——前者用于表达耕种我们土地的劳动，后者用于表达为换取我们的制成品而进口的劳动。只需稍加思考便会发现，耕种土地的“本土劳动力”的价值和需求，很大程度上取决于为国外市场从事制造业的人员的消费需求，而对后者劳动力的全部需求，完全取决于我们能否且愿意从其他国家获取价值低于我们所能提供的商品的商品：而这些商品总是这些国家能够最有利地种植的商品：因此，交换只能是互利的源泉。我们进口的咖啡、羊毛或小麦，用来交换曼彻斯特和利兹的织布机、伯明翰和谢菲尔德的铁砧和熔炉的产品，正如布莱顿丘陵剪下的羊毛或肯特郡或埃塞克斯郡田野上生长的小麦一样，都代表着本土产业。事实上，由于我们进口的每一种商品都只能直接或间接地代表我们出口的某种商品，因此，我们越扩大进口，就越能鼓励这种劳动力，即“本土产业”。通过增加对所需商品的需求来换取我们增加的进口。
为了无可辩驳地证明咖啡消费量的增加是由上述关税变化引起的，我们附上了自1820年以来该文章的附表，区分了三个不同税率的时期；并区分了整个时期内不同税率下提供的比例：——
在上表的第一个时期，总消费量几乎保持不变，仅略有增长。随着关税的降低，消费量增长如此之快，以至于在第二个时期的第四年，消费量增长了一倍多，而且以先前一半的税率获得了更多的收入。可以看出，在此期间，对东印度咖啡和外国咖啡征收的差别关税比例仍然保持不变，因此，这些咖啡（尤其是仍然征收高额关税的外国咖啡）的消费量并没有实质性增长。从1830年开始的几年里，咖啡消费量几乎保持稳定，直到进入第三个时期，东印度的差别关税被废除，外国咖啡的进口量实际上也大幅下降；从这一时期起，咖啡消费量再次出现大幅快速增长。规定从好望角或其以东的英国属地运来的外国咖啡需缴纳9便士的关税，这一规定直到1838年才真正生效；到那时，我们就能看出这类咖啡的供应量和总体消费量是如何迅速增长的。在这一变化的影响下，两年内咖啡收入增长了约35%。
为了进一步说明这一原理，去年的关税再次降低了咖啡的关税；咖啡消费量比上一年有所增加，而糖和所有其他主要商品的消费量则大幅减少。事实上，去年咖啡的收入损失较小，减少了33%。殖民地的关税（从6便士降至4便士），而外国种植园的关税几乎也达到了25%（从10便士（含额外运费）降至8便士），而糖的关税则丝毫没有降低。
糖贸易
我们不知道在各方面条件都相同的情况下，咖啡消费量增加的原因中，有哪个不完全适用于糖；但我们可以列举许多最重要的应该增加糖消费量的原因，这些原因并不适用于咖啡。它被广泛使用用于婴儿食品；如果价格低廉，仅就此而言，医务人员就认为它对穷人来说是不可估量的福音；它主要用于烹饪、保存、糖果等；而糖在所提到的时期大幅度增加的另一个原因是，除了咖啡消费量的大幅增加之外，茶的消费量也从1824 年的 23,784,8381 磅增加到 1840 年的 32,252,6281 磅。为了我们目前的比较目的，两句话将处理奴隶制论点：如果它真的适用，它对咖啡的影响与对糖的影响一样大；事实上，它的影响更大，因为如果我们的目的是强迫巴西人接受我们的观点，那么对他们来说，咖啡是一种比糖更重要的增长产品：而金、银和铜在巴西和古巴都和糖一样适用于这个论点。鉴于所有这些优势，让我们来看看这项保护性措施在此期间是如何运作的。
表7
1824年，糖的关税为：
西印度群岛每英担27先令
东印度群岛37先令
外国63先令
1824年，赫斯基森被告知不得再碰糖；1830年，西印度群岛的关税降至24先令，东印度群岛降至32先令；只要继续对外国糖征收63先令，这些关税就直接进入了生产商的腰包。1836年，东印度群岛的关税得以平衡，但外国糖的关税保持不变；目前的关税如下：
表7
英国属地每英担24先令
外国糖63先令5
——对英国殖民地种植者提供高达
150% 的保护，以抵御外国种植者和英国消费者的侵害。1824 年，我们进口了- 英担。
西印度糖3,935,549
东印度和毛里求斯271,848
外国205,750
英担4,413,147
关税与前文所述一致。1840 年，我们进口了- 英担。
西印度糖2,217,681
东印度和毛里求斯1,043,737
外国774,427
东印度和西印度的关税均等，但外国关税仍为63 先令。
1824年，糖税收入为4,641,945英镑
1840年为4,449,035英镑
因此，供应量减少了377,302英担，税率几乎没有变化，收入损失了192,910兹罗提；值得注意的是，若非其中运用了一点自由贸易原则，这份账目本来会更加令人痛心。该原则是对我们东印度属地的一项简单的公正之举，长期以来一直遭到西印度利益集团的反对；——平衡东印度和西印度糖的关税。通过分析这两份报表，可以看出西印度糖的产量实际上减少了1,717,868英担；而东印度和毛里求斯糖的产量则增加了771,889英担。 （值得一提的是，1840 年是糖供应量低于往年的一年，但我们认为那一年是最后一次公布完整数据的年份；但是，由于我们所有的论证都基于糖供应量没有增加这一事实，因此，如果我们以 1842 年为例，结果也同样适用。正如之前所述，1842 年英国可供消费的糖供应量比 1824 年少了 9 万英担。）
我们必须再次停下来思考。1840 年的糖供应量比 1824 年少了 377,302 英担。1824 年至 1840 年间，人口增加了 500 多万，但可供消费的糖却没有增加一盎司。1824 年英国航运量为 2,559,587 吨，1840 年为 3,311,538 吨；增加了751951吨，但一桶糖和一袋糖都没多运回家；或者说，糖袋多了，一桶糖就少了。码头增加了，仓库扩大了，但卸货或储运的糖却少了。布罗德街的商人数量激增，以至于我们古代商人的客厅、餐厅、卧室和阁楼都变成了日益增多的现代商人的账房。即使这样还不够，他们还被挤进了奥斯汀修士街和托肯豪斯的庭院；但所有这些商人，一英担糖都没多卖出去。明辛巷的经纪人把从地下室到阁楼的“巷子”都填满了之后，就去了附近的街道，但整整一年，却没有为日益增多的顾客签下任何一份新的糖合同。伦巴第街的货币不断积累，但用于贴现的糖票和用于预支的凭单却没有比1824年多。全国各地的批发和零售杂货商数量与人口数量成正比地增长，但他们之间分配的糖贸易量却与20年前一样多，所有与糖业相关的人都在高呼，糖是赚不到钱的；事实是，虽然糖的数量保持不变，但运输、销售和交易的竞争却大大加剧，而这正是贸易规模小导致糖业没有利润的原因。然而，船东、商人、经纪人和批发商在他们所有的生意中却如此冷漠无情。他们为制糖业四处奔走，甚至派人到议会，而这些人的主要职责就是维持糖产量的固定，阻止他们扩大业务。
但这仅仅是弊端的一半；——没有更多的糖进口到国内，就不需要更多的货物和制成品运往国外；工匠人数不断增加，却没有更多的工作；农产品或其他商品的消费能力也下降了；出口商人的贸易量下降了；船主支付糖的运费也比二十年前少了。
现在，我们完全不可能精确估计，如果糖受到与咖啡相同的待遇，糖的消费量会增加多少。我们已经表明，糖的特性或用途本身并不会阻止消费量的相应增长，相反，反而会促进更大的增长：那么，唯一的其他考虑因素是，获得供应的便利程度会一样高吗？爪哇岛在那段时期的历史或许是对这个问题最好的回答。
1826年，从该岛运出的糖量为23565英担，到1841年则增至1252041英担；（*这种增长如此迅速且持续，以至于许多人会对下表产生浓厚兴趣：爪哇岛和马杜拉岛的糖出口量）在那里，我们将发现有七百万以上勤劳自由的人民作为我们制成品的消费者，生活在狄奇政府的统治下，他们非常乐意与我们建立更密切的贸易关系。此外，我们还拥有整个西印度群岛和整个产糖的南美大陆；因此，没有理由认为，随着贸易更加自由，糖的供应量不会相应增加。如果真是这样，我们现在每年的收入就会比现在多出五百万英镑；而且，我们还能享受充足的糖供应，以及糖进口带来的贸易大幅增长，以及每年数百万英镑的各种商品出口来支付糖的贸易。但有些人会说，这项法案对英国消费者和贸易商来说可能是公正、公平和有利的，但对我们的殖民地来说却是毁灭性的；但从我们关于咖啡提供的证据来看，这种说法完全站不住脚。这些人总是忘记，如果不以各种方式创造更多的贸易，从而提高全国的咖啡消费能力，我们就无法增加供应；而且我们的经验证明，供应增加对价格的影响，小于贸易减少和紧缩导致的消费减少和紧缩。事实上，我们认为，这正是限制贸易永远不会奏效、而自由贸易总是成功的真正原因。我们不能不指出，在我们所讨论的这段时间里，爪哇、古巴、巴西在需求低迷的抑制下，生产了如此多的糖，而且价格如此低廉，以至于我们与这些国家进行贸易的商人在此期间三次向我国政府提出申请，请求允许引进被 63 先令关税禁止的糖。每英担用于农业：首先在一名官员面前将其破坏，使其无法转化为食品用途。*(*在科学发现中，一个非常奇怪的事实是，有史以来最赚钱的发明，无论是在美国还是在其他国家，都偶然源于一项类似的向政府提出的申请。这项申请是为了允许糖用于农业；政府向已故诺福克公爵的兄弟、杰出的化学家霍华德先生申请，让他做一些实验，以确定糖是否可以被有效地掺假，使其无法再次转化为烹饪用途。为此，他将各种有毒物质与糖混合，但问题仍然是它们是否可以再次分离。在确定这一点的实验中，他发现它们不仅可以分离，而且糖的质量更好、更纯净。由此，霍华德获得了糖精炼和真空锅使用的专利；每年的净收入来自授予的使用许可，其费率为每cwl。在某些年份收益在两万到三万英镑之间。仅伦敦一家糖厂每年就支付四千英镑。）糖的产量如此之多，以至于可以用来做肥料和喂牛，但被禁止满足英国公众的需求，或交换英国劳动力；面对这一事实，政府和商人难道能相信，他们找不到任何计划来救济商业，或雇用闲散的民众化吗？
（1843年8月1日创刊原文第五页）
（1843年8月1日创刊原文第六页）
选文英文原文：
COFFEE AND SUGAR.
Previous to 1824 these two articles had been equally the objects of the greatest protection and care. The duty on Coffee was
Table 1
West India .1s.0d. per Ib.
East India .ls.6d.
Foreign .2s.6d.
Since that period Coffee may be termed the pet article on which free trade has tried its experiments, and Sugar, on the other hand,the peculiar pet of protection. In 1825 Mr Huskisson experimented on Coffee. He reduced the duties on
Table 2
West India to . . 6d.
East India 9d.
Foreign . .1s.3d.
In 1835 the duty on East India was reduced to 6d., and a law was afterwards enacted that any coffee,of whatever growth, if imported from a British possession eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, or from that place, should be admitted at 9d.duty. So that practically the alteration made the duties thus:一
Table 3
West India .6d.
East India 6d.
Foreign 9d.
And 1d. for extra freight.
Therefore, instead of 50 percent.protection, which West India coffee enjoyed against East India growth, and 150 percent. against that of foreign growth; since 1835, the protection against East India has been entirely removed, and the protection against foreign reduced to 50 percent. Here, then, is a great experiment of free trade, which, when it was begun in 1824, was denounced by the West India interest as the greatest chimera that had entered the head of a minister. Now let us see the result:一
Table 4
In 1824 our total imports of coffee were .lbs.50,674,249 ,1840 ‘’ 1840 70,250,766
In 1824, of the total quantity imported, we consumed: 一
bs.
Of West India,at the duty of 1s.0d per Ib..7,947,890 East India . .ls.6d. , 313,513
Foreign · . .2s.6d. , 1,540
lbs.8,262,943
In 1840, of the total quantity imported, we consumed—
Of West and East India, at the duty lbs.
of 6d.per lb.14,443,399
Foreign 9d.,
and with the additional charge
of 1d.for freight say 10d. 14,143,433
Foreign direct ls. 3d. 77,504
1bs.28,664,336
Table 5
In 1824 the amount of revenue at the high
Rates of duty was £420,988
In 1840 low rates 921,551
In 1824 the price of good Jamaica coffee in bond, with the high prohibitory duty, was—
In January 113s. to 118s. per cwt.
July 99s. - 101s.
November 97s - 100s.
In 1840, with the low duty and reduced protection,
The price was -
In January 125s. to 132s. per cwt.
July 124s. - 128s.
November 120s. - 125s.
The result may, therefore, be said to be an increased import of 20,423,0001bs.; and increased consumption of 20,402,000 lbs.; with the former lowest duty reduced to one half,and the differential duties comparatively abandoned, the revenue more than doubled; and notwithstanding the enormous increased supply of East India and foreign coffee, which, at the old rate of duty of 2s.6d.per 1b., would have been practically prohibited, the price of Jamaica coffee in bond to the merchant and planter higher than 1824.
The dutys on Coffee and Sugar
On this extraordinary result we must for a moment dwell,and reflect. The consumption of 1824 was 8,262,9431bs.,or 73,776 cwts. at an average price of 100s.per cwt. in bond, which represented 368,880L.of value.ǐn1840 the quantity consumed was28,664,3361bs., or 255,931 cwts.; and considering the large portion of East. Indian and foreign coffee, —if calculated at only 80s.per cwt.—represented 1,023,7247.of value.
The first reflection in thinking cf all the interests involved in this is, the additional number of ships which are required to carry 255,931 cwts. instead of 73,776 cwts., —the employment of landing and warehousing it, —the increase of business to the importing merchant and the Mincing-lane brokers, in passing 1,023,7241. through their hands instead of 36S,880L. The increase of business, again, which the distribution throughout the country by the wholesale dealer,and the retailing by the shopkeeper, of 28,664,3361bs., instead of 8,262,9431bs.; the blessing of this increased supply to the community, the revenue receiving 921,551L.instead of 420,98Sl. -and in the midst of these advantages, —the producer receiving actually a higher price than he did for the little quantity in 1824-—all are benefited: no one is injured.
But stay: this is only half the benefit. We want goods-manufactures or minerals, to export in payment of this coffee,to the amount of 1,023,724Z.,in place of 368,8801. New labour is set to work throughout the country to produce them; this labour communicates ABLITITY TO CONSUME MORE FARM PRODUCE, more of other kinds of manufactures, of other colonial or foreign produce. Then again, we have larger business for the export merchant, for inland carriers, for labourers in the docks; and once more;—all this additional demand for ships to carry the increased outward cargoes; and throughout, great additional legitimate demand for capital to conduct the transactions.
All this is very consistent with the condition of a population increasing at the rate of one thousand a day; and were this article the rule instead of the exception in our commercial policy,we should have no complaint of the lack of trade, of deficient revenue,or of surplus population.
Reflecting on these operations shows us low truly foolish is the distinction which men are constantly attempting to draw between the value of a HOME, or a FOREIGN TRADE. All these increased transactions, arising out of the import and payment for coffee(or be it corn or any other article), is exactly what makes a good home trade; the ability to consume circulates from one class to another; artisans of one class give employment to those of another by spending their wages; these, again, circulate in an accumulative manner; every additional man that we employ assists immediately by his consumption to find employment for others;and all unite in increased consumption of the fruits of the earth; the benefit circulates throughout all classes, and creates what is termed a good home trade:but the truth is, foreign trade and home trade are in effect synonymous terms; and equally synonymous are the terms“native industry”and“foreign industry”—the former being used to convey the idea of labour in cultivating our land,and the latter being used to convey the idea of that labour which is imported in exchange for our manufactures. Very little reflection will show that the value and demand for "native labour"in cultivating the soil, depends much on the demand which is caused by the consumption of those employed in manufacturing for the foreign markets, and that the whole demand for the labour of the latter class depends exclusively on our being able and willing to take from other countries such things as they value less than the goods which we have to offer: and this article will always be found to be that which such countries can cultivate most profitably: exchanges thus can only be a source of mutual advantage.The coffee, the wool, or the wheat,which we import in exchange for the produce of the looms of Manchester and Leeds,the anvils and furnaces of Birmingham and Sheffield, just as much represent native industry,as does the wool shorn on the Brighton Downs,or the wheat grown on the fields of Kent or Essex.The truth is,that as every article which we import can only represent directly or indirectly some article which we export,it must always follow that the more we extend our imports,the more we encourage that labour, "native industry," by increasing a demand for those articles which are required in exchange for our increased imports.
In order to show most indisputably that the increased consumption of coffee was caused by the changes in the duties referred to,we subjoin the annexed tabular history of the article since 1820, distinguishing the three periods of the different rates of duties; and also distinguishing the proportions furnished under the different rates of duties during the whole period: —
During the first period in the above table, the total consumption remains nearly the same, showing only a very slight increase. With the lowering of the duty the increase is so rapid, that in the fourth year of the second period it is more than doubled,and more revenue is secured at half the former rates of duty. It will be observed that still the former proportions of differential duties on East India and foreign coffee were retained during this period, and that, in consequence, the consumption of those kinds(especially of foreign, still subject to a very high duty) did not materially increase. from 1830 for several years the consumption remained nearly stationary, until we arrived at the third period, when the differential duty was repealed on East India, and practically greatly reduced on foreign growth;and from this period another great and rapid increase of consumption took place. The law by which foreign coffee was admitted at the duty of 9d. if shipped from the Cape, or British possessions eastward thereof,did not operate materially till 1838; and then it will be seen how rapidly the supply of that description and the general consumption increased.Under this change the revenue increased about thirty-five percent. in two years.
In further illustration of this principle. The duty on coffee was again reduced by the tariff of last year; and the quantity consumed increased on that of the previous year, wile the consumption of sugar and all other leading articles was materially reduced. Indeed, the loss of revenue last year was less on coffee, with a reduction of thirty-thee percent. of duty on colonial(from 6d.to 4d.),and practically twenty-five percent.(from 10d 一 including Id. for extra freight—to 8d.)on that of foreign growth, than occurred on sugar, the duty of which was not reduced at all.
SUGAR.
We are not aware of one reason which could induce, under the same circumstances in every respect, a extended consumption of coffee, that would not in all and every way apply to sugar; but we can enumerate many most important ways in which the consumption of sugar should be increased,not applicable to coffee. It is much used for the food of infants;and if cheap, for this purpose alone medical men consider it would be an incalculable blessing to the poor; it is used largely in cooking, in preserving, in confectionery, &cc.; and another reason for a great increase of sugar daring the period alluded to, would be, that independent of the enormous increase of the consumption of coffee,the consumption of tea has also increased from 23,784,8381bs. in 1824 to 32,252,6281bs. in 1840.For our present purpose of comparison, two lines will dispose of the slavery argument:if it applies at all,it does as much to coffee as sugar; and indeed more, for if our purpose be to coerce the Brazilians into our views,then to them coffee is an infinitely more important article of growth than sugar: and gold, silver, and copper apply as much as sugar can to the argument,both in Brazil and Cuba. With all these advantages, let us examine how this PET OF PROTECTION has proceeded during this period.
Table 7
In 1824 the duty on sugar was—
West Indian 27s. per cwt.
East India 37s
Foreign 63s
In 1824 Huskisson was given to understand that he must not touch sugar; in 1830 the West India duty was reduced to 24s.,the East India to 32s.;which was just so much more put into the pockets of the producers as long as the 63s.on foreign sugar was continued. In 1836 the duty on East India was equalized, but that on foreign not touched; and the duties now stand:
Table 7
British Possessions. 24s.per cwt.
Foreign 63s. 5
—a protection to the British colonial grower against the foreign grower and British consumer of upwards of
one hundred and fifty per cent.In 1824 we imported— cwts.
West India Sugar 3,935,549
East India and Mauritius 271,848
Foreign 205,750
cwts.4,413,147
The duties being as before stated. In 1840 we imported- cwts.
West India Sugar 2,217,681
East India and Mauritius 1,043,737
Foreign 774,427
The duties being equalized on East and West India, but still 63s,on foreign.
In 1824 the revenue from sugar was .£4,641,945
1840. 4,449,035
The result is, therefore, a diminished supply of 377,302 cwts., and with the rates of duty very little changed, a loss of revenue of 192,910Z.; and it is well worthy of remark that this account would have been a much more deplorable one, but for a little free-trade principle applied in it,viz.: that simple act of justice to our East India possessions so long opposed by the West India interest; —equalizing the duties of East and West India sugar. By looking at the two statements, it will be seen that West India sugar was actually reduced in quantity 1,717,868 cwts.; while East India and Mauritius had increased 771,889 cwts. (It is proper to remark that the year 1840 was one of a smaller supply of sugar than usual,but we have taken that year as being the last of which the complete accounts have been published; but,as all our arguments proceed on the fact that the supply of sugar has not increased, it would have been equally applicable had we taken 1842, in which, as before remarked, the supply of sugar available for the consumption of this country was 90,000 cwts less than in 1824.)
We must again pause and reflect. The supply of sugar was 377,302 cwts. less in 1840 than 1824.The population had increased between 1824 and 1840 upwards of five millions,but not one ounce of sugar more for their consumption.The amount of British shipping in 1824 was 2,559,587 tons,and in 1840,3,311,538 tons; an increase of 751,951 tons, but not one hogshead and not one bag of sugar more to bring home; or if more bags, fewer hogsheads. Docks have increased, warehouses enlarged, but no more sugar to land or stow away. The merchants in Broad street have so multiplied that the drawing-rooms, dining-rooms, bed-rooms, and attics of our ancient merchants have been turned into counting houses for the increased modern numbers, and even that not sufficient, they are pressed into Austin-friars and Tokenhouse yard; but among them all, not one cwt. of sugar more to sell. The brokers in Mincing lane, after filling "the lane"from the cellar to the attic, have betaken themselves to the neighbouring streets,but not one additional contract for sugar in a whole year for the swelling numbers. Money has accumulated in Lombard street, but no more bills drawn against sugar to discount,or warrants to advance upon than in 1824. Wholesale and retail grocers throughout the country have multiplied in full proportion to the population,but the same amount of sugar trade is only to be divided among them that existed twenty years ago, and every one connected with the article cries out, there is no profit by sugar; the fact being, that while the quantity has continued fixed, the competition to carry it, to sell it, and deal in it, has greatly increased,and this is exactly the way in which the littleness of the trade makes what trade there is without profit. But the shipowners, the merchants, the brokers ,and the wholesale dealers, are so disinterested in the midst of all their crushing and elbowing for the sugar business, that they send men to parliament whose chief and great service is to maintain this fixity of quantity,and prevent a larger business for them.
But this is only half the mischief; —no more sugar coming home requires no more goods and manufactures to be sent out;there is no more work for the artisans, with all their increased numbers;no more ability communicated for the consumption of farm produce, or other articles; no more trade for the export merchant; no more freight for the shipowner, to pay for our sugar than twenty years ago.
Now it is quite impossible to form a precise estimate of what would have been the increase of the consumption off sugar had it been subjected to the same treatment as coffee. We have already shown that there is nothing in its character or uses that should prevent a corresponding increase of consumption, but, on the contrary, which would rather induce a greater increase:then the only other consideration is,would the facilities of obtaining supplies have been as great? The history of the island of Java during that period is perhaps the best reply to the question.
In 1826 the quantity of sugar shipped from that island was 23,565 cwts., and in 1841 it had increased to 1,252,041 cwts;*(*This increase has been so rapid and uniform,that to many the following table will be of great interest:一SUGAR EXPORTED FROM JAVA AND MADURA, ) and there we should find upwards of seven millions of free industrious people as consumers of our manufactures, living under the Ditch Government,which would only be too glad of an opportunity of entering into closer trading relations wit us. Then we lave the whole of the foreign West India islands, and the whole of the sugar-producing South American continent; so that there is no reason to suppose that the supply would not have proportionably increased with a freer state of trade.
Had such been the case, we should at this moment be in possession of revenue to the amount of five millions annually more than we are;and be in the enjoyment of an abundant supply of sugar, the immense increase of trade which would arise out of its import, and the export of goods of various kinds to the amount of some millions annually to pay for it. But it will be said by some, this act, just and fair and advantageous as it might have been to the English consumer and trader, would have been ruinous to our colonial possessions; but,from the evidence we have produced respecting coffee, that does not at all follow. Such people always forget that we cannot increase our supplies without in every way creating more trade, and thereby communicating to the whole country such an increased ability to consume the commodity;and that our experience proves that prices are less affected by increased supplies, than by that narrow and contracted consumption consequent on a narrow and contracted trade. This, indeed, we believe to be the real reason why restriction never succeeds,and why free trade always succeeds. We cannot quit the subject without remarking,that during the period of which we have been treating,Java, Cuba,the Brazil, under all the discouragement of little demand,have produced so much sugar, and at such low prices, that our own merchants trading to those countries have,at three separate times during that period,made application to our Government for permission to introduce the sugar prohibited by a duty of 63s. per cwt.for the purposes of agriculture:first spoiling it in the presence of an officer in such a way that it could not be converted into purposes of food.*(*It is a very curious fact in scientific discovery that the most profitable invention which was ever patented in this or any other country accidentally arose out of a similar application to Government. The application was to admit sugar for agricultural purposes;the Government applied to Mr Howard, the accomplished chemist,brother to the late Duke of Norfolk,to try some experiments for the purpose of ascertaining if' sugar could be so effectually adulterated that it could not be again converted for culinary uses For this purpose he mixed all kinds of noxious materials with it, but the question remained whether they could be again separated, and in the experiments to ascertain this he discovered that not only could they be separated but that the sugar was better and purer. Out of this arose Howard's patent for sugar refining and the use of the vacuum pan;the annual net income of which from licences granted for its use at the rate of one shilling per cwl. yielded in some years between twenty or thirty thousand pounds. One house in London alone paid four thousand pounds per annum.) Sugar so abundant that it could be used for manure and feeding cattle,but prohibited to minister to the wants of a British public, or exchange for British labour;and is it to be believed that in the face of this fact Government and merchants can see no plan for the relief of commerce,or employing an idle population?
《经济学人》集锦
来源：一派老胡言
