摘要：Communication and the Public 创刊于2016年春季，由浙江大学和SAGE联合出版，面向全球发行，是中国大陆新闻传播学科第一本真正同行评议的英文学术期刊。自创刊以来，本刊多次举办 “传播与公共”国际学术研讨会，在国内外学术界引起广泛关

Communication and the Public 创刊于2016年春季，由浙江大学和SAGE联合出版，面向全球发行，是中国大陆新闻传播学科第一本真正同行评议的英文学术期刊。自创刊以来，本刊多次举办 “传播与公共”国际学术研讨会，在国内外学术界引起广泛关注。本刊分别于2018年、2019年被Scopus和ESCI数据库收录；于2022年获法国传播学期刊评级，被收录在法国信息传播学核心期刊索引和核心队列；并于2025年初入选《中科院期刊分区表》与《开放存取期刊指南（DOAJ）》。从2023年9月起，本刊正式转为OA期刊，全面开放获取。

Academic Dialogue

Communication and cultural awakening of the Global South: A dialogue with Vijay Prashad

——Gang Wang and Yuezhi Zhao

Abstract

As the world undergoes profound geopolitical and cultural transformations, the Global South is emerging as a pivotal force in reshaping the international communication order and cultural narratives. Against this background, on 25 March 2025, Yuezhi Zhao invited Vijay Prashad to the School of Journalism and Communication at Tsinghua University, for a wide-ranging dialogue with doctoral students and post-doctoral researchers on the potentials and challenges for communication and cultural awakening in the Global South. The following text is an edited version of the seminar and it consists of four parts. In Part 1 and Part 2, Yuezhi Zhao and Vijay Prashad overviewed the current state of communication in the Global South, critiqued its colonial cultural heritage, emphasized the continuing importance of decolonization in Global South communication. In Part 3, Vijay Prashad responded to a list of questions from the participants. In the conclusive discussion of Part 4, cultural awaking of the Global South is hoped to reconstruct the international communication order and world structure.

随着世界经历深刻的地缘政治与文化变革，全球南方正成为重塑国际传播秩序与文化叙事的关键力量。在此背景下，2025年3月25日，赵月枝邀请维贾伊·普拉沙德（Vijay Prashad）莅临清华大学新闻与传播学院，与博士及博士后研究人员围绕全球南方传播与文化觉醒的潜力与挑战展开广泛对话。本文为此次研讨会的编辑整理稿，共分为四部分：第一、二部分中，赵月枝与普拉沙德综述全球南方传播现状，批判其殖民文化遗存，并强调去殖民化在全球南方传播中的持续重要性；第三部分呈现普拉沙德对与会者提问的回应；第四部分的总结讨论展望了全球南方文化觉醒对重构国际传播秩序与世界格局的积极意义。

Special Section “Thirty Years of the Internet in China”Special Issue

Chinese internet policies: Historical reflections and new research directions

—— Min Jiang

Abstract

This contribution briefly traces the trajectory of Chinese Internet regulatory policies in the last 30 years and sketches some new research directions in this area attuned to changing domestic dynamics and global geopolitics.

本文初步回顾了近三十年中国互联网监管政策的发展历程，结合国内实践与国际格局变迁，探讨了该领域若干新兴的研究议题。

The same old same old? Three proposals for advancing the study of internet and contentious politics in China

——Jun Liu

Abstract

Observers of the Chinese political landscape have noted significant changes with the widespread adoption of the internet. Existing studies on the internet and contentious politics in China often fall into same old tunes like “authoritarianism vs. liberal democracy” and “liberation vs. control.” This reflection reviews selected work on the internet and politics in China and beyond, proposing a more sophisticated and critical examination through (a) a temporal dimension to pinpoint changes introduced by the internet’s adoption, (b) a mundane dimension that recognizes (contentious) politics in broader life contexts, and (c) a cross-demographical dimension that acknowledges the internet’s role as diverse and complex. The three proposals serve as a crucial first step toward achieving more sophisticated explanations and a deeper understanding of the internet in China for Chinese internet scholars in the coming decade.

中国政治图景的观察者们已注意到互联网普及所带来的显著变化。现有关于互联网与国内社会运动的研究，往往难以摆脱“国家主导与社会自发”、“开放与控制”等传统分析框架。本文通过梳理国内外有关互联网与政治互动的研究成果，提出从以下三个维度进行更为细致与批判性的探讨：（a）时间维度，辨析互联网应用带来的阶段性变化；（b）日常维度，在更广阔的生活语境中识别（社会）政治现象；（c）跨群体维度，认识到互联网在不同人群中的多样性与复杂性。这些视角可为未来十年中国互联网学者构建更深入解释框架、形成更系统认识提供有益起点。

Original Research Articles

Is social media a helpful communicative tool in combatting corruption in developing countries? Evidence from Ghana

——Joseph Yaw Asomah

Abstract

The traditional mainstream media is often considered part of the capital and power network involved in corruption, casting doubt on the traditional media’s watchdog functions. This study examines whether social media can be a positive communicative tool for addressing corruption, especially in developing countries such as Ghana. Drawing on in-depth semi-structured interviews and relevant secondary data, Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, and the notion of citizen journalism as a form of social accountability, the study addresses key questions: As a communicative platform/tool, does social media provide utility toward the fight against corruption? In what ways does social media support or undermine the fight against corruption? Findings indicate that social media is a valuable communicative instrument for combating corruption. It offers an alternative platform for exposing corruption; naming and shaming offenders; and mobilizing, organizing, protesting, and demanding accountability. Nevertheless, the study reveals that social media routinely spreads fake news, propaganda, and misinformation, undermining its credibility as an effective anti-corruption communicative tool. This article contributes to the debate on whether social media is a valuable communicative tool in the fight against corruption, especially in the developing country context.

传统主流媒体常被视为现有体制结构的一部分，且不时面临公信力方面的挑战，这使公众对其监督功能产生质疑。本研究以加纳等发展中国家为例，探讨社交媒体是否能够在反腐败进程中发挥积极传播作用。通过半结构化深度访谈及相关二手数据，并借鉴公共领域理论及作为社会问责形式的公民新闻理念，本研究回应了以下核心问题：社交媒体作为传播平台与工具，是否对反腐败斗争具有积极作用？它以何种方式支持或可能削弱反腐努力？研究发现，社交媒体可作为反腐败斗争中一种有价值的传播手段，为曝光腐败行为、监督问责、动员民众及发起倡导提供了替代性平台。然而，研究也发现社交媒体时常传播不实信息、误导性内容与虚假新闻，这对其作为有效反腐传播工具的可信度造成了一定影响。本文围绕社交媒体在发展中国家反腐实践中是否具备价值这一议题，参与了相关学术讨论。

Women governors in the United States use more communal language than male governors in their State of the State addresses and tweets and achieve greater policy success

——Kara Alaimo

Abstract

This study draws on framing theory to argue that the language used by women politicians may make them more effective in achieving their goals. Large numbers of voters around the world perceive men to be more effective political leaders than women. However, this study of the communications of women and male governors in the United States finds that the opposite is true and that women governors emphasize cooperation and compromise much more when communicating, which could be a factor in their greater efficacy. An analysis of 1,088 policy proposals made by governors in their State of the State addresses finds that women enacted their proposals into law at 1.2 times the rate of their male counterparts. An analysis also finds that, between March 2020 and February 2021, states with women governors had significantly fewer excess deaths due to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and significantly lower unemployment rates than states with male governors. Analyses of speeches and tweets by governors find that women governors use significantly more communal, cooperative language than their male counterparts, and these frames might catalyze more communal behavior by partners and constituents and thereby help explain their greater efficacy.

本研究借助框架理论提出，女性政治家的语言风格可能使其在实现政治目标方面更为高效。尽管全球大量选民普遍认为男性在政治领导力上比女性更具成效，但本研究通过对美国女性与男性州长的沟通行为分析发现，事实恰恰相反：女性州长在沟通中更加强调合作与妥协，这可能是她们取得更高政策成效的一个关键因素。通过对州长在《州情咨文》中提出的1088项政策建议的分析发现，女性州长将其提案成功制定为法律的比率是男性州长的1.2倍。此外，在2020年3月至2021年2月期间，女性担任州长的州因新冠肺炎（COVID-19）疫情导致的超额死亡人数显著低于男性担任州长的州，同时失业率也明显更低。对州长演讲及推文的文本分析进一步表明，女性州长使用的语言更具公共性与合作性。这种沟通框架可能促进了合作伙伴和选民更为积极的公共行为，从而在一定程度上解释了她们在治理中表现出的更高成效。

Tweet no harm: Offer solutions when alerting the public to voter suppression efforts

—— Katherine Haenschen, Bethany Albertson, and Sharon Jarvis

Abstract

Voter suppression was a major issue during the 2018 U.S. Midterm elections. Civil rights organizations, advocacy groups, and celebrities used Twitter to urgently warn voters about potential problems at the polls. However, in raising awareness of these normatively problematic matters, these messages had the potential to negatively impact key measures of democratic health. We conduct a survey experiment exploring the effect of exposure to tweets about voter suppression on confidence in elections, democratic legitimacy, and vote intent. Tweets that highlight voter suppression without a solution depress confidence in elections across all party groups, suggesting that solely warning people about problems at the polls without concrete actions they can take in response may do more harm than good. In addition, tweets highlighting voter suppression increase democratic legitimacy among Republicans relative to Democrats, suggesting that the former see such efforts as beneficial. There is no impact of either treatment condition on vote intent. Normative implications for democracy are discussed.

2018年美国中期选举期间，选民压制成为焦点问题。民权组织、倡议团体和名人通过推特紧急警示选民可能遇到的投票障碍。但研究发现，这类旨在揭露问题的警示信息，也可能对民主健康产生负面影响。一项调查实验研究了曝光此类推文对三个维度的影响：选举信心、民主合法性认知和投票意愿。结果显示：若推文只揭露选民压制问题而未提供解决方案，会普遍降低各党派支持者对选举的信心——这表明单纯警告而不给出具体应对措施可能弊大于利。值得注意的是，共和党支持者接触此类推文后，其民主合法性认知反而高于民主党支持者，暗示前者可能认为选民压制对自身有利。两种实验情境均未对投票意愿产生显著影响。研究最后探讨了这些发现对民主建设的启示意义。

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来源：再建巴别塔