摘要：《中东学刊》(The Middle East Journal)由美国中东研究所主办，是致力于研究现代中东的同行评议学术季刊。该刊自1947年创刊起，持续向读者提供从摩洛哥到巴基斯坦的该地区的原创性客观研究和分析以及原始资料。每期《中东学刊》都收录由知名学者、外

期刊简介

《中东学刊》(The Middle East Journal)由美国中东研究所主办，是致力于研究现代中东的同行评议学术季刊。该刊自1947年创刊起，持续向读者提供从摩洛哥到巴基斯坦的该地区的原创性客观研究和分析以及原始资料。每期《中东学刊》都收录由知名学者、外交政策分析师和地区专家撰写的文章，以及中东研究领域最权威、最全面和最新的书评。

本期目录

1 对“温和伊斯兰”的争夺：阿尔及利亚内战后宗教合法性的重构

Contesting “Moderate Islam”: Religious Legitimacy in Post–Civil War Algeria

2 布特弗利卡的外交政策：为阿尔及利亚国内权力斗争服务（1999–2004）

Bouteflika’s Foreign Policy in the Service of Algeria’s Internal Power Struggle, 1999–2004

3 伙伴关系的力量：阿曼独立外交政策的形成逻辑

The Power of Partnerships: Explaining Oman’s Independent Foreign Policy

4 伊朗的选举管理：内政部在议会选举中的角色

Electoral Management in Iran: The Ministry of Interior’s Role in Parliamentary Elections

内容摘要

对“温和伊斯兰”的争夺：阿尔及利亚内战后宗教合法性的重构

题目: Contesting “Moderate Islam”: Religious Legitimacy in Post–Civil War Algeria

作者：Vish Sakthivel，美国查尔斯顿学院国际研究系教授。

摘要：在过去二十余年中，全球化的安全话语使得“温和化”伊斯兰成为所谓穆斯林世界中的一种主导性社会政治诉求，尽管“温和伊斯兰”本身缺乏公认或明确的定义。本文分析了阿尔及利亚受穆斯林兄弟会思想影响的和平社会运动党（MSP）如何在多个层面上运用“温和”（al-i‘tidal 或 al-wasatiyya）的概念框架。作者主张，MSP通过其官方纲领、公众形象，以及其成员在个人与集体身份建构中的表述，运用“温和伊斯兰”的话语，以在全球污名化背景下为自身定位，并嵌入阿尔及利亚内战后政治文化的脉络之中。

Globalized security discourses over the last 20+ years have made "moderating" Islam into a hegemonic sociopolitical imperative across the so-called Muslim world, even while "moderate Islam" is largely bereft of an agreed-upon or specifiable meaning. This study analyzes the multitude of frames through which "moderation" (al-i'tidal or al-wasatiyya) is deployed by Algeria's Muslim Brotherhood–inspired Movement of the Society of Peace (MSP). I argue that the MSP deploys the discourse of "moderate Islam" in its official platforms, public image, and articulations of personal and collective identity among its membership base in order to situate the movement against global stigmas and within the political-cultural contours of post–civil war Algeria.

布特弗利卡的外交政策：为阿尔及利亚国内权力斗争服务（1999–2004）

题目: Bouteflika’s foreign policy in the Service of Algeria’s Internal Power Struggle, 1999–2004

作者：Berkan Özgür，土耳其萨卡里亚大学中东研究所。

摘要：1999年，为在内战肆虐之际稳定国家、结束孤立局面，阿尔及利亚军方提名前外交部长阿卜杜勒-阿齐兹·布特弗利卡出任总统，以期借助其外交手腕推动局势缓和。然而，布特弗利卡却策略性地将阿尔及利亚的外交政策作为巩固其个人权力、对抗军方影响的工具。本文探讨阿尔及利亚外交政策如何在军方与文人总统之间的国内权力斗争中发挥关键作用，指出此策略对于布特弗利卡权力的确立与维系具有决定性意义。

In 1999, Algeria's military establishment nominated former foreign minister 'Abd al-'Aziz Bouteflika as president in order to leverage his diplomatic skills to stabilize the country and end its isolation amid a brutal civil war. Instead, Bouteflika strategically employed Algerian foreign policy to consolidate his own personal power against the military. In this article I explore how Algerian foreign policy thus became instrumental in the domestic power struggle between the army and the civilian president, arguing that this was essential to Bouteflika's solidification and maintenance of power.

伙伴关系的力量：阿曼独立外交政策的形成逻辑

题目: The Power of Partnerships: Explaining Oman’s Independent Foreign Policy

作者：Tyler B. Parker，美国默瑟大学政治学与国际事务助理教授。

摘要：阿曼为何以及如何维持一种既非结盟、亦非中立、也非依附的独立外交政策？以往的研究多强调阿曼的地理位置与文化，或卡布斯苏丹（1970–2020年在位）的个人魅力。然而，仅依赖地理因素的解释忽视了赛义德苏丹（1932–1970年在位）时期阿曼对英国的高度依赖；而聚焦于已故卡布斯的个性，又低估了其继任者海赛姆（2020年至今在位）治下政策的延续性。本文主张，卡布斯在1970年代镇压佐法尔叛乱过程中推动并维护的国际伙伴关系，对阿曼治国理念的塑造具有深远影响，并持续构成其外交政策的核心支撑。

How and why does Oman maintain an independent foreign policy that is neither allied, neutral, nor dependent? Previous arguments have emphasized the importance of Oman's location and culture or the personality of Sultan Qaboos (reigned 1970–2020). However, relying on geographical factors overlooks the Sultanate's dependence on the United Kingdom under Sultan Sa'id (r. 193270), while focusing on the personality of the late Qaboos under-assesses continuities in policy under his successor, Haitham (r. 2020–). In this article I argue that Qaboos's promotion and preservation of international partnerships in suppressing the Dhofar Rebellion in the 1970s shaped - and have sustained - Oman's statecraft.

伊朗的选举管理：内政部在议会选举中的角色

题目: Electoral Management in Iran: The Ministry of Interior’s Role in Parliamentary Elections

作者：Tomoyo Chisaka，日本名古屋商科大学助理教授。

摘要：尽管伊朗监护委员会在选举各阶段拥有无可比拟的法律权威，但伊朗的相关法律与规章亦赋予内政部在议会选举管理中扮演重要角色。本文通过对一手法律资料与原始访谈证据的分析，探讨伊朗最高领袖在何种情况下以及如何将部分选举管理的自主权委托予行政部门，从而揭示伊朗议会选举管理中行政与神权体制之间的互动机制。

Although Iran’s Guardian Council enjoys incomparable legal authority over every stage of the electoral process, Iranian laws and regulations also provide the Ministry of Interior with an important role to play in the management of parliamentary elections. Through analysis of primary source legal materials and original interview evidence, this article considers when and how Iran’s supreme leader delegates autonomy to the executive as related to management of parliamentary elections.

译者：束任翔，国政学人编译员，中国社会科学院大学国际政治专业，研究兴趣为欧洲地区。

审校 | 张潇文

排版 | 刘洹彤

本文源于《中东学刊》(ME), Vol.78, No.1, Summer/Autumn 2024。本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。

来源：国政学人