摘要：《国际事务》（International Affairs）是全球事务和国际关系领域的领先期刊之一。该期刊于1922年由位于伦敦的查塔姆研究所（皇家国际事务研究所）创立，具有政治中立性，发表促进学术辩论并为政策问题提供见解的研究。《国际事务》欢迎具有理论基础、方

期刊简介

《国际事务》（International Affairs）是全球事务和国际关系领域的领先期刊之一。该期刊于1922年由位于伦敦的查塔姆研究所（皇家国际事务研究所）创立，具有政治中立性，发表促进学术辩论并为政策问题提供见解的研究。《国际事务》欢迎具有理论基础、方法严谨且面向政策的前沿研究。

目录

1 崛起国家与自由主义世界秩序：来自中国的案例

Rising states and the liberal world order: the case of China

2 人人都能成为英雄：普京治下俄罗斯的儿童军事化

Anyone can be a hero: the militarization of children in Putin's Russia

3 在多边主义变革背景下非正式政府间组织的合法性评估

Assessing legitimacy of informal intergovernmental organizations in the context of changing multilateralism

4 合法化非国家行为体在全球气候治理中的参与

Legitimating non-state actor engagement in global climate governance

5 超越自由主义叙事：中国与国际人权秩序

Beyond liberal narratives: China and the international human rights orde

6 告别“保护责任”？虚假死亡、严重危机与未来机遇

Farewell the Responsibility to Protect? False death, grave crisis, future opportunities

7 注意力政治视角下中国在全球卫生伙伴关系中的角色转变

Attention politics and China’s role transformation in global health partnerships

8 哥伦比亚经验中的和平谈判复杂动态：内部人士视角

Complex dynamics in peace negotiations: insiders' views on the Colombian experience

9 “我们现在是士兵”：绿色军事化与（外援）军事训练在保护工作中的作用

‘We are soldiers now’: green militarism and (foreign-assisted) military training in conservation

10 情感自信：中国对非国家行为体的强制外交

Emotional assertiveness: China's coercive diplomacy against non-state actors

11 难以捉摸的问责：在战争性暴力阴影下治理性剥削与虐待

Elusive accountability: governing sexual exploitation and abuse under the grip of sexual violence in war

12 对进步现实主义的务实主义批判：以外交政策为例

A Pragmatist critique of progressive realism in foreign policy

13 瓦格纳集团及其与俄罗斯国家的关系

The Wagner Group and its relationship with the Russian state

内容摘要

崛起国家与自由主义世界秩序：来自中国的案例

题目：Rising states and the liberal world order: the case of China

作者：Steve Chan 陈思德，科罗拉多大学博尔德分校杰出荣誉退休教授。曾任该校法兰德住宿学术项目主任、政治学系主任及国际事务项目主任；Weixing Hu 胡伟星，澳门大学杰出教授、社会科学学院院长、澳门大学发展基金会（UMDF）政治与公共政策杰出教授。

摘要：许多国际关系分析家认为崛起国家是国际和平与秩序的威胁来源。然而，他们往往未能提供明确的逻辑论证或进行严格的实证验证。因此，现有关于这一主题的研究多基于修辞性断言，而非细致分析。我们主张需要更清晰的概念界定、透明的逻辑和系统的证据来支持这一论断。此议题对于验证战争与和平理论至关重要，也具有明显的政策相关性——中美武装冲突将对不仅仅是两国还有全人类造成巨大悲剧。基于此，我们讨论中国案例，将其置于当前战争与秩序源头的主流话语背景中，警惕泛化和教条式断言。我们为国际关系学者及政策界人士提出警示，旨在促进对崛起国家与世界秩序问题的同理心与内省。

Many international relations analysts see rising states as a source of threat to international peace and order. Yet they often fail to provide an explicit logic for their argument or to submit their claim to rigorous empirical verification. As a consequence, existing studies on this topic tend to be based more on rhetorical assertions than careful analyses. We argue that there is a need for greater conceptual clarity, transparent logic and systematic evidence to substantiate the claim that a rising China poses a threat to international peace and stability. This topic is clearly important for verifying theories of war and peace. It also has obvious policy relevance, as an armed clash between China and the United States would be an enormous tragedy not only for the people of those countries but also for the rest of humanity. For these reasons, we discuss the case of China; we place it in the context of prevailing discourse on the sources of war and order, and caution against sweeping generalizations and dogmatic assertions. We offer caveats both for colleagues studying International Relations and those in the policy community. We aspire to encourage greater empathy and introspection in contemplating the issue of rising states and world order.

人人都能成为英雄：普京治下俄罗斯的儿童军事化

题目：Anyone can be a hero: the militarization of children in Putin's Russia

作者：Allyson Edwards，巴斯斯帕大学教授、荣誉历史学士课程负责人；Jennifer G Mathers，亚伯大学国际政治资深讲师。

摘要：普京领导下的俄罗斯高度重视对儿童和青少年的爱国主义教育，鼓励他们拥护战争美化，支持俄军。自2022年2月俄乌战争全面爆发以来，俄罗斯国家加速军事化年轻人，利用英雄主义吸引和激励他们。战争相关的英雄行为被塑造成青少年可达成的理想，并通过多样激动人心的活动培养。本文聚焦国家支持的两个爱国青年团体——青年军（the Youth Army）和胜利志愿者（the Victory Volunteers）——在战争爆发后100天内的英雄塑造活动，强调这些活动的具身性和沉浸性，尤其是与战争经历者的情感纽带。青年军和胜利志愿者的努力表明，国家预期未来仍需维持支持战争的社会基础。

Vladimir Putin's Russia places a great deal of emphasis on the patriotic education of its children and young people, which includes encouraging them to embrace the glorification of war and provide unconditional support for Russia's armed forces. The state's efforts to militarize Russia's youth have accelerated since the start of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and increasingly rely on the appeal of heroism and heroes as role models to engage and inspire young people. War-related heroic behaviors are presented as an attainable ideal for youth that can be developed by participating in a range of exciting activities. This article focuses on the hero-making activities of two state-sponsored patriotic youth groups, the Youth Army and the Victory Volunteers, during the first 100 days following Russia's mass invasion of Ukraine. It draws attention to the embodied and immersive nature of these activities, and especially the emphasis on forging emotional bonds between young people and those who have experienced war. The efforts of the Youth Army and the Victory Volunteers to prepare future generations of Russians to accept the idea of war reveal the state's expectations that it will continue to need a war-supportive society into the foreseeable future.

在多边主义变革背景下非正式政府间组织的合法性评估

题目：Assessing legitimacy of informal intergovernmental organizations in the context of changing multilateralism

作者：Emel Parlar Dal，马尔马拉大学国际关系教授；Nobuhide Mert Matsumoto，马尔马拉大学国际关系博士生。

摘要：本文试图通过六个识别的标准评估非正式政府间组织（IIGOs）的合法性，通过分析94个活跃IIGOs在多边主义不同议题领域的影响。提出基于六个假设的创新框架：1）政策领域选择（经济、政治、安全或社会事务）；2）官僚结构；3）成员国经济发展水平；4）成员的全球南北地理分布；5）在正式政府间组织中的积极外交；6）IIGOs规范创造及传播能力。我们的研究旨在揭示非正式政府间组织基于六项合法性标准所表现出的高、中或低合法性水平。与普遍观点认为由于国际政府间组织的非正式和灵活性质，它们不需要强大的官僚结构，我们的研究发现，超过 40% 的被评估组织展现出高度的制度化水平。我们的研究表明，非正式政府间组织坚实的官僚结构对其合法性评分具有积极影响，且组织的整体合法性需要同时具备较高水平的社会合法性和规范合法性。

This article seeks to contribute to the literature by investigating the legitimacy of informal intergovernmental organizations (IIGOs) based on the six identified criteria and by understanding the impact of 94 active IIGOs on diverse issue areas within the realm of multilateralism. It introduces an innovative framework grounded in six specified legitimacy criteria derived from six hypotheses: 1) IIGOs' selected policy areas (economic, political, security or social affairs); 2) bureaucratic structure; 3) economic development level of member states; 4) geographical distribution of members between the global North and the global South; 5) pursuance of proactive diplomacy within formal intergovernmental organizations; and 6) the capacity of IIGOs for norm creation and diffusion. In our study, we aim to uncover the extent to which IIGOs exhibit high, moderate or low levels of legitimacy based on the six legitimacy criteria. Contrary to the prevailing belief that IIGOs, owing to their informal and flexible nature, do not require strong bureaucracies, our research unveils that more than 40 per cent of the IIGOs assessed exhibit a high level of institutionalization. Our research reveals that the robust bureaucratic structures of IIGOs positively influence their legitimacy scores, and that the overall legitimacy of an IIGO necessitates a high level of both sociological legitimacy and normative legitimacy.

合法化非国家行为体在全球气候治理中的参与

题目：Legitimating non-state actor engagement in global climate governance

作者：Hai Yang 杨海，澳门大学政府与行政学系助理教授；Hayley Walker，IÉSEG管理学院国际谈判与销售管理教授。

摘要：本文考察了国际组织如何寻求向精英受众群体合法化非国家行为体的参与，以联合国气候变化框架公约秘书处作为典型案例。本文采用合法化视角，这一过程指国际组织为增强自身合法性而对其制度设计、决策程序及政策结果进行正当化。本文从规范性和操作性两个维度解析合法化：规范性合法化旨在为特定规范提供正当性，而操作性合法化则解释组织如何实现该规范或为何未能实现。后者在现有文献中尚属盲点。基于对官方文件的质性分析及对气候秘书处官员的访谈，本文提出两点发现。首先，秘书处通过强调非国家行为体参与对程序合法性和绩效合法性的关键意义，试图为其参与需求提供正当性。其次，针对其参与实践遭遇质疑，秘书处提出了操作性主张，强调其行动主体性所面临的多重制约、不断增长的受众需求与有限参与机会之间的张力，以及组织场域特殊性。本文的分析凸显了在国际组织提出规范性要求或评估全球治理适当性时，必须充分认识其所面临的复杂操作现实。

Our study examines how international organizations seek to legitimate non-state actor engagement to elite audiences, using the secretariat of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change as an illustrative case. We employ the prism of legitimation, a process whereby international organizations justify their institutional designs, decision-making procedures and policy outcomes with a view to enhancing legitimacy. We unpack legitimation along two vectors: normative and operational. Normative legitimation seeks to justify a particular norm, while operational legitimation explains how the organization meets a norm—or why it fails to do so. The latter constitutes a blind spot in existing literature. Based on a qualitative analysis of official documents and interviews with climate secretariat officials, we present two findings. First, the secretariat has sought to justify the need for non-state actor engagement by accentuating its significance for procedural and performance legitimacy. Second, in response to contestation over its engagement practices, the secretariat advances operational claims. It has underscored multiple constraints to its agency, the tension between ever-rising audience demands and a finite supply of engagement opportunities, and a unique organizational environment. Our analysis highlights the need to recognize the complex operational realities international organizations face when making normative demands or gauging the appropriateness of global governance.

超越自由主义叙事：中国与国际人权秩序

题目：Beyond liberal narratives: China and the international human rights order

作者：Xinyuan Dai 戴欣媛，伊利诺伊大学厄巴纳-香槟分校政治学教授；Lucie Lu 陆璐，普林斯顿大学当代中国中心研究员。

摘要：中国的崛起在国际关系领域引发了深刻的变革。我们考察了这一变化对国际秩序的影响，重点聚焦于人权问题。中国是否试图破坏或取代那些早期且较弱的中国未能充分参与制定的规则和制度？以联合国人权理事会的普遍定期审议（UPR）机制为实验场，我们分析了2008年至2021年间各国提出的超过九万三千条建议。我们强调了国际人权规范的多维性，并提供了新的系统性证据，表明中国与大多数国家一样，对某些规范的支持程度高于其他规范。中国强烈且日益坚定地支持社会和经济权利——这一立场与许多国家，尤其是全球南方国家一致。此外，我们的分析显示，中国的对外援助流动显著影响了全球南方国家对所有其他国家，特别是七国集团国家的审议态度。我们的研究凸显了中国经济国家战略在全球人权话语中的地缘政治影响力。

The rise of China represents a seismic shift in the field of International Relations. We examine the implications of this for the international order, with a focus on human rights. Is China seeking to undermine or replace rules and institutions that an earlier and much weaker China did not fully participate in creating? Using the UN Human Rights Council's Universal Periodic Review (UPR) as a laboratory, we analyse over 93,000 recommendations made by states between 2008 and 2021. We highlight the multidimensionality of international human rights norms and provide new and systematic evidence that China, like most other countries, endorses some norms more than others. China champions social and economic rights both strongly and increasingly—a position shared by many countries, particularly in the global South. Furthermore, our analyses reveal that Chinese foreign aid flows have a significant effect on how countries in the global South review all other countries, and particularly the G7 countries. Our research underscores the geopolitical impact of China's economic statecraft on global human rights discourse.

告别“保护责任”？虚假死亡、严重危机与未来机遇

题目：Farewell the Responsibility to Protect? False death, grave crisis, future opportunities

作者：Adrian Gallagher，利兹大学全球安全与大规模暴行预防教授。

摘要：本文认为，围绕“保护责任”（Responsibility to Protect，简称R2P）规范的“规范已死”叙事对其批评者和支持者均带来了问题性影响。批评者声称该规范已死，实际上设定了一个过高的评判标准，使得支持者较容易论证该规范尚未消亡。然而，这一立场同样存在问题，因为它陷入了淡化该规范所面临危机的陷阱。换言之，规范研究在推动相关论点方面作用有限，我们需要更深入理解当前所有人权规范所处的政治环境。基于对R2P项目中错误假设的当代重新评估，本文呈现的情况比那些得出R2P未如批评者所言衰落的研究更加严峻。展望未来，关于R2P存在三种立场：防御、改革与放弃。无论学界选择支持哪一种立场，都必须考虑并回应本文所述的发展动态及错误假设。

This article argues that the norm death narrative surrounding the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has problematic implications for both its critics and defenders. Critical claims that the norm is dead create an overly high benchmark against which to measure the norm. The implication here is that it allows R2P defenders to make the case that the norm is not dead with relative ease. This position is equally problematic, however, as it falls into the trap of downplaying the crisis facing the norm. Put differently, norm studies only advance the arguments to a limited extent and we need to better understand the political environment in which all human rights norms are now located. Building on contemporary reassessments of the false assumptions embodied in the R2P project, the picture presented here is far graver than is commonly found in those studies that conclude the R2P has not declined as critics suggest. Looking forward, three positions present themselves: defence, reform and abandonment of the R2P. Whichever one academics choose to uphold, they must factor in, and respond to, the developments and false assumptions outlined in this article.

注意力政治视角下中国在全球卫生伙伴关系中的角色转变

题目：Attention politics and China’s role transformation in global health partnerships

作者：Mengli Ding 丁梦丽，苏州大学政治与公共管理学院讲师；Hongsong Liu 刘宏松（通讯作者），上海交通大学国际与公共事务学院教授；Hanzhi Yu 俞晗之，浙江大学公共管理学院副教授。

摘要：新冠新冠肺炎疫情期间，中国在全球卫生治理中的角色发生了显著转变，引发了学界的广泛讨论。大部分研究聚焦于国际层面的结构性因素对中国参与的影响，少量研究关注了国内层面的观念性因素。本文借助“注意力政治”（politics of attention）的分析框架，尝试整合国际与国内两大层次，探讨中国的国内政治体制如何推动其在全球卫生治理中的角色转变。基于对中国参与全球卫生伙伴关系（GHPs）的案例分析，本文指出，中国角色的转变是外部冲击驱动下领导层注意力转移的政策结果，这一转变依托于资源的快速动员与重新配置。与此同时，作为一个非西方大国，中国在新冠肺炎疫情期间参与GHPs亦面临多重限制，主要体现在：注意力的稀缺性导致中国的全球卫生参与渠道之间构成竞争关系；中国在GHPs中面临制度性权力劣势；以及中国企业在参与过程中面临内外部双重挑战。

China's role in global health governance has evolved during the COVID-19 pandemic, sparking academic discussion. Most literature focuses on the structural factors shaping China's participation in global health governance at the international level, with fewer studies addressing China's domestic ideational factors. This article aims to integrate these two levels of analysis by examining how China's domestic political system has shaped the transformation of its role in global health governance using the concept of ‘politics of attention’. Through a case-study of global health partnerships (GHPs), the article argues that China's role transformation in such partnerships is attributable to a policy outcome driven by shifts in Beijing's attention in response to external shocks, facilitated through resource mobilization and allocation. Moreover, the article explores the limitations of China's participation in GHPs during the pandemic as a non-western power; these limitations arose primarily from competition between different channels for Chinese global health participation; the various internal and external obstacles faced by Chinese corporations; and criticisms surrounding the efficacy of Chinese-produced vaccines and medical products.

哥伦比亚经验中的和平谈判复杂动态：内部人士视角

题目：Complex dynamics in peace negotiations: insiders' views on the Colombian experience

作者：Julián Arévalo，巴塞尔大学社会科学系教授，瑞士和平组织调解项目高级研究员兼高级项目官员。

摘要：和平谈判的研究传统上侧重于促成和平谈判的条件及外部变量对谈判结果的影响。本文借鉴哥伦比亚近期的经验，探讨了政府与两大主要游击队组织之间的和平谈判内部动态及其产生的结果。通过此举，本文将冲突解决领域与复杂系统研究相结合。文章分析了2010年至2018年期间，哥伦比亚政府与哥伦比亚革命武装力量（FARC）及民族解放军（ELN）分别进行的平行和平谈判的不同动态要素，并从哥伦比亚的经验中汲取教训。本文基于比较定性研究，依托2022年对谈判参与者、国际社会代表及密切参与谈判过程的专家共23次访谈。研究的主要发现是，谈判空间具备改变交涉双方关系的力量。这一发现为其他冲突情境的研究提供了启示——这些情境往往过分强调军事变量，而忽视了谈判空间的潜力。

The study of peace negotiations has traditionally emphasized the conditions leading to peace talks and the effect of external variables on negotiation outcomes. This article draws from the recent experience of Colombia, where peace negotiations took place between the government and the two main guerrilla groups, to investigate the internal dynamics of peace negotiations and the outcomes they produce. In doing so, it connects the fields of conflict resolution and the study of complex systems. The article investigates the elements that help us to understand the different dynamics of the parallel peace talks conducted by the Colombian government with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) in the period between 2010 and 2018, and to draw lessons from Colombia's experience. The comparative qualitative research underpinning the article is based on 23 interviews conducted in 2022 with participants in the peace negotiations, representatives of the international community and experts closely involved in the negotiation processes. The study's main finding is the recognition of negotiation spaces as having the power to transform the relationship between the parties. This contributes to the study of other conflict scenarios, where much emphasis is placed on military variables, as opposed to the potential of negotiation spaces.

“我们现在是士兵”：绿色军事化与（外援）军事训练在保护工作中的作用

题目：‘We are soldiers now’: green militarism and (foreign-assisted) military training in conservation

作者：Ivan Mugyenzi Ashaba，安特卫普大学发展政策研究所博士后；Esther Marijne，瓦赫宁根大学发展与变迁社会学（SDC）小组副教授。

摘要：当暴力冲突或武装偷猎构成对野生动物和保护区完整性的直接威胁时，军事化保护加速推进。然而，即使紧急威胁消退，军事化往往仍然持续存在。为了理解暴力保护如何成为根深蒂固的常态，本文聚焦绿色军事化的更广泛地缘政治，解释为何护林员即便在没有直接安全威胁的情况下仍被训练成战士。以乌干达为例，展示了国家抵抗军（NRA/M）政府如何将军事逻辑扩展至几乎所有民用领域及议题，包括保护工作。研究探讨了培训课程和实践如何促使乌干达护林员“像士兵一样”，并采用战争思维。对穆尔奇森瀑布国家公园的深入实地调研揭示，这种培训本身对护林员构成职业暴力，并助长其对入侵者使用致命暴力。该培训由乌干达军队及与外国军队和私人军事公司的合作提供，后者在训练战争士兵时使用相同课程。因此，本文认为，军事化不仅由直接安全威胁驱动，更由绿色军事化的广泛地缘政治推动，反映威权军事政府及其国际支持者的政治利益。

Militarized conservation is accelerated when insecurity—violent conflict or heavily armed poaching—poses an immediate threat to wildlife and the integrity of protected areas. However, militarization often remains long after acute threats fade. To understand how violent conservation becomes an ingrained state of affairs, this article focuses on the broader geopolitics of green militarism. It explains why rangers continue to be trained for war even without any immediate security threats. Focusing on the case of Uganda, we show how the NRA/M government has extended military logics into nearly all civilian sectors and issues, including conservation. We explore how training curriculums and practices encourage park rangers in Uganda to become ‘like soldiers’ and adopt a warfare mentality. In-depth fieldwork in the Murchison Falls National Park reveals how such training represents occupational violence against the rangers themselves and contributes to their use of lethal violence against park intruders. This training is provided both by the Ugandan army and through partnerships with foreign militaries and private military companies, who use the same curriculum when training soldiers for warfare. Therefore, we argue that militarization is not only prompted by immediate security threats, but by the broader geopolitics of green militarism—reflecting the political interests of authoritarian–military governments and their international backers.

情感自信：中国对非国家行为体的强制外交

题目：Emotional assertiveness: China's coercive diplomacy against non-state actors

作者：Andreas B Forsby，丹麦国际研究所（DIIS）外交政策与外交研究部门高级研究员。

摘要：近年来，尽管中国强制外交（coercive diplomacy）的经济、政治和军事手段被广泛研究，其情感维度却鲜有关注。本文探讨中国“情感自信”作为一种独特的强制话语实践，即国家代表公开表达道德愤慨，敦促违规者为触犯中国红线道歉。文章聚焦若干西方非国家行为体受中国此类情感强制的案例，这些未被充分研究的案例为理解情感在国家强制外交中的作用提供了独特视角。具体而言，这些案例显示，身份相关的情感关切，而非工具性和战略性考量，有时构成中国外交自信的核心动因。本文不仅为国际关系学科内非理性主义的强制外交研究开辟新领域，还梳理了中国情感自信的关键要素：其动力源于道德愤慨而非愤怒；由感知到的不公触发；根植于身份认同关切；表现为反复要求忏悔。为说明中国情感自信的实践，文章分析了两个具体案例：2021年英特尔指示供应商避免使用新疆产品，以及2020年初《华尔街日报》刊发的题为《中国才是亚洲真正的病夫》的评论文章。

While the economic, political and military instruments of China's coercive diplomacy have been intensely studied in recent years, its emotional dimension has largely been overlooked. This article investigates China's ‘emotional assertiveness’ as a distinct discursive practice of coercion in which state representatives publicly express moral indignation and urge offenders to apologize for violating China's red lines. It examines several western non-state actors targeted by China in this way, as these unexplored cases provide a unique perspective on the role played by emotions in state coercive diplomacy. Specifically, they demonstrate how identity-related emotionalized concerns, rather than instrumental and strategic considerations, may sometimes constitute the underlying motivational driver of China's assertiveness. Apart from carving out new space for a non-rationalist approach to coercive diplomacy within the International Relations discipline, the article develops the key components of China's emotional assertiveness, arguing that it is fuelled by moral indignation, rather than anger; is triggered by a perceived wrong; is nurtured by identity-related concerns; and is manifested in repeated demands for repentance. To illustrate China's practice of emotional assertiveness, the article analyses two specific cases: Intel's instruction in 2021 to its suppliers to avoid products from Xinjiang and an opinion piece that appeared in the Wall Street Journal in early 2020, titled ‘China is the real sick man of Asia’.

难以捉摸的问责：在战争性暴力阴影下治理性剥削与虐待

题目：Elusive accountability: governing sexual exploitation and abuse under the grip of sexual violence in war

作者：Jasmine-Kim Westendorf，乐卓博大学国际关系高级讲师；Kathleen M Jennings，挪威科技大学社会学与政治学系副主任。

摘要：本文探讨维和人员和援助工作者性剥削与虐待（SEA）的治理问题。我们认为，防止和应对SEA的努力反映了结构性偏见女权主义与治理女权主义的交汇，其中对性伤害的关注和对刑事问责重要性的共识被制度化，带来了适得其反的后果。推动这些努力的女权主义和官僚冲动是什么？殖民遗产如何在政策执行中体现？当性（不当）行为的类别被混淆时，哪些女权主义关切被忽视？我们指出，战争中性暴力对女权主义想象和工作的影响——由Karen Engle记录——在SEA治理建立过程中已牢固植入，导致对刑事问责的过度关注。然而，这种监禁式冲动并不适合处理性剥削，因为性剥削可能涵盖强制与自愿互动。此外，在维和和人道主义背景下，这种监禁式冲动延续殖民逻辑，通过制定控制“脆弱”当地人亲密选择的规则，强化了关怀和保护义务。

This article investigates the governance of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers and aid workers. We argue that efforts to prevent and address SEA reflect a confluence of structural-bias feminism and governance feminism, whereby a focus on sexual harm and consensus on the importance of criminal accountability have been institutionalized, with counterproductive consequences. What feminist and bureaucratic impulses drive these efforts, and what colonial legacies play out in policy implementation? Which feminist concerns lose out when these categories of sexual (mis)conduct are collapsed? We argue that the grip of sexual violence in conflict on feminist imaginations and work—documented by Karen Engle—took hold while SEA governance was being established, and that the former embedded in the latter a preoccupation with the search for criminal accountability. However, this carceral impulse is unsuited to dealing with sexual exploitation, which can span both coercive and consensual interactions. Moreover, in peacekeeping and humanitarian contexts the carceral impulse extends colonial logics by elevating a duty to care and protect ‘vulnerable’ local people through the enactment of rules that materially control their intimate choices.

对进步现实主义的务实主义批判：以外交政策为例

题目：A Pragmatist critique of progressive realism in foreign policy

作者：Jason Ralph，利兹大学国际关系教授；Jamie Gaskarth，开放大学外交政策与国际关系教授。

摘要：务实主义如何影响外交政策？在英国政策领域，务实主义常被与现实主义混淆，或指对世界现状的哲学接受，或指对进步变革困难但可行的谨慎认知。大卫·洛米（David Lammy）倡导的“进步现实主义”外交理念似乎倾向后者；但我们认为洛米的进步外交政策存在两大问题。首先，将务实主义束缚于现实主义可能错失进步机会。其次，作为实现或制约进步目标的手段，现实主义务实主义可能假设这些目标是西方大国既定且无法通过多边对话改变的，持有反民主立场。我们主张，哲学务实主义避免了这些风险，因为与现实主义者（尤其是国际关系现实主义者）不同，务实主义者更意识到社会问题的建构性和过程性（而非本质和固定性）。基于这一认知，他们将：1）在追求进步时更具创造性且不轻易怀疑；2）更坚持多边实践；3）更致力于使多边实践民主化，以发现和解决实际问题。我们将“进步务实主义”的三部分定义应用于英国外交政策面临的两大难题：多极体系中的全球治理挑战及俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略。洛米声称其现实主义非“愤世嫉俗”，我们认为若能与务实主义结合，更能保护进步主义免受现实主义愤世嫉俗的侵蚀。

How might pragmatism inform foreign policy? In the United Kingdom's policy sphere, pragmatism is often conflated with realism to mean either a philosophical acceptance of the way the world is, or a prudential awareness that progressive change is difficult but still possible. David Lammy's advocacy of ‘progressive realism’ as a foreign policy ethos seems to favour the latter; yet, we see two problems with Lammy's formulation for progressive foreign policy. First, shackling pragmatism to realism could result in progressive opportunities being missed. Second, as a means towards (or a check on) progressive ends, realist pragmatism risks assuming the undemocratic position that those ends are given (by western powers) and beyond (multilateral) dialogue. We argue that a policy informed by philosophical Pragmatism avoids these risks because unlike realists (and International Relations realists) these Pragmatists are more aware of the constructed and processual (rather than essential and fixed) nature of social problems. In that awareness they will be: 1) less sceptical and more creative in the pursuit of progress; 2) less inclined to compromise on multilateral practices; and 3) more committed to the democratization of those practices as a method of uncovering and solving practical problems. We apply this three-part definition of ‘progressive Pragmatism’ to two hard cases confronting UK foreign policy: the challenge of global governance in a multipolar system and Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Lammy claims his realism is not ‘cynical’. We argue he can better protect progressivism against realist cynicism if he pairs it with Pragmatism.

瓦格纳集团及其与俄罗斯国家的关系

题目：The Wagner Group and its relationship with the Russian state

作者：Karen Philippa Larsen，丹麦国际研究所（DIIS）研究助理。

摘要：本文基于现有关于安全私有化的文献，构建了一个框架以深化对当代私人军事公司（PMCs）与国家关系的理解。通过将政府结构和市场—国家关系的国家特定特征加入“纠缠”概念，拓展了该概念的内涵，使其超越了对新自由主义武力市场中“公共”与“私人”关系的关注，涵盖了新宗法制的正式与非正式治理体系。本文以瓦格纳集团及其与俄罗斯国家的纠缠为实证例证，应用“政权纠缠”概念表明，尽管该集团与早期PMCs存在明显差异，但并非全新现象，而是对既有安全外包实践的延续，且适应了俄罗斯特定背景。此外，文章指出，正式与非正式政权中的纠缠行为者通过合法化因素积极协商其地位，瓦格纳集团的资助者叶夫根尼·普里戈任（ Yevgeny Prigozhin）可被视为忠诚的企业家，参与精英阶层的爱国主义竞争以获取合法性和地位。

This article builds on existing literature on privatization of security to create a framework for increasing our understanding of contemporary private military companies' (PMCs) relations to states. By adding country-specific characteristics about government structures and market–state relations to the concept of enmeshment, the concept is developed so that it extends beyond the focus on ‘public’ and ‘private’ in relation to the neo-liberal market for force, and encompasses neo-patrimonial formal and informal systems of governance. This is illustrated by the empirical example of the Wagner Group and its enmeshment with the Russian state. Applying the concept of regime enmeshment shows that the group and its relationship with the Russian state, despite some obvious differences from earlier PMCs, is not a completely new phenomenon but can be understood as a continuation of existing practices of outsourcing security, which is adapted to the Russian context. Furthermore, this article argues that enmeshed actors in the formal and informal regime actively negotiate their position with reference to legitimizing factors, and that Yevgeny Prigozhin, the financier of the Wagner Group, could be seen as a loyalist entrepreneur taking part in an elite competition of patriotism to achieve legitimacy and status.

译者：林兆楠，国政学人编译员，哥伦比亚大学国际与公共事务学院研究生。

审校 | 张潇文 赖永祯

排版 | 柯珮瑶

本文源于《国际事务》(IA), Vol. 101, No. 2, 2025。本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。

来源：国政学人