摘要：《国际政治经济学评论》(Review of International Political Economy)是一份涵盖国际政治经济学研究的双月刊同行评审学术期刊。其成立于1999年，由Routledge出版。本刊是国际政治经济学领域的主流期刊之一，与《新政治经

期刊简介

《国际政治经济学评论》(Review of International Political Economy)是一份涵盖国际政治经济学研究的双月刊同行评审学术期刊。其成立于1999年，由Routledge出版。本刊是国际政治经济学领域的主流期刊之一，与《新政治经济学》(New Political Economy)并列。2024年期刊影响因子为4.659。

目录

1 平衡安全与经济：欧洲国内政府与企业关系及投资审查机制

Balancing security and economics: domestic state-firm relations and investment screening mechanisms in Europe

2 就业第一，环境第二：污染对外国直接投资认知的条件效应

Jobs first, environment second: the conditional effect of pollution on perceptions of Foreign Direct Investment

3 通过包容实现排斥：多方利益相关者治理时代的管理实践

Excluding through inclusion: managerial practices in the era of multistakeholder governance

4 巧妙组合政治：制定全球供应链法规的企业行为者

Smart mix politics: business actors in the formulation of global supply chain regulation

5 企业创新体系的多样性及其与全球和国家体系的相互作用：亚马逊、Facebook、谷歌和微软生产和应用人工智能的战略

Varieties of corporate innovation systems and their interplay with global and national systems: Amazon, Facebook, Google and Microsoft’s strategies to produce and appropriate artificial intelligence

6 提高标准--精英律师事务所与国际商事法院在世界经济中的崛起

Pushing the bar – elite law firms and the rise of international commercial courts in the world economy

7 艰苦奋斗：塞内加尔的结构转型、政府财政和债务危机重现

Earnest struggles: structural transformation, government finance and the recurrence of debt crisis in Senegal

8 政治风险与企业退出：来自中美贸易战的证据

Political risk and firm exit: evidence from the US–China Trade War

9 超越控制？私人拦截、入侵和监控市场的政治经济学

Beyond control? The political economy of private interception, intrusion, and surveillance markets

10 全球航天工业的组织生态

The organizational ecology of the global space industry

内容摘要

平衡安全与经济：欧洲国内政府与企业关系及投资审查机制

题目：Balancing security and economics: domestic state-firm relations and investment screening mechanisms in Europe

作者：Floor Doppen，安特卫普大学政治学研究员；Antonio Calcara，布鲁塞尔自由大学地缘政治与技术专业主管。

摘要：在地缘政治竞争激烈的时代，由于担心外国投资对欧洲经济战略部门的影响，政策制定者开始审查欧洲投资筛选机制（ISMs）。在此过程中，欧洲机构和成员国必须在安全和经济之间找到平衡，为潜在投资者维持有利的环境，同时保护他们认为对欧洲和国家安全很重要的特定部门。本文认为，现有的国家与企业的关系结构决定性地塑造了欧洲 ISM 在国家层面的制度配置。本文确定了两种理想的国家与企业关系模式：公共治理和私人治理生态系统。本文假设，在国内层面中，国家与企业关系的变化决定性地塑造了欧洲 ISM 的制度配置，更广泛地说，决定了欧洲政府和企业如何在开放与保护战略资产之间权衡。

In an era of intense geopolitical competition, concerns about the impact of foreign investments in strategic sectors of the European economy have led policymakers to review European investment screening mechanisms (ISMs). In doing so, European institutions and member states have to find a balance between security and economics, maintaining a favorable environment for potential investors while simultaneously protecting specific sectors that they deem important for European and national security. We argue that the existing structure of state-firm relations deCISively shapes the institutional configuration of European ISMs at the national level. We identify two ideal-typical patterns of state-firm relations: Public governance and private governance ecosystems. We hypothesize that variations in domestic state-firm relations decisively shape the institutional configurations of European ISMs, and, more broadly, how European governments and firms navigate the trade-off between openness and protection of strategic assets.

就业第一，环境第二：污染对外国直接投资认知的条件效应

题目：Jobs first, environment second: the conditional effect of pollution on perceptions of Foreign Direct Investment

作者：Celeste Beesley，杨百翰大学国际关系副教授；Alexander Slaski，乔治城大学国际关系访问副教授。

摘要：关于公众对外国直接投资 (FDI) 的看法的文献越来越多，主要关注个人与 FDI 相关的就业前景。然而，不同类型的 FDI 对经济和环境的影响各不相同；本文认为，个人在形成对 FDI 的态度时会权衡这些影响之间的关系。利用省级近期 FDI 项目数据集（按污染程度和创造就业机会分类）与七个拉丁美洲国家的公众意见数据相匹配，本文发现，无论环境影响如何，接触创造更多就业机会的投资都会改善对 FDI 的态度。然而，环境影响是造成某些人形成外商直接投资观点的一个重要因素：当环境影响相对较小的外商直接投资比例较高时，环境优先的受访者对外商直接投资的态度更为积极。在所有受访者中，当较高比例的外国直接投资来自污染较低的行业时，接触到的经济效益更高的外国直接投资会产生更积极的影响。

The growing literature on public opinion toward foreign direct investment (FDI) focuses primarily on the FDI-related job prospects of individuals. However, different types of FDI have varying economic and environmental impacts; we argue that individuals consider the trade-offs between these effects when forming attitudes about FDI. Utilizing a province-level dataset of recent FDI projects (categorized by their level of pollution and job creation) matched with public opinion data in seven Latin American countries, we find that exposure to investment that creates larger numbers of jobs improves attitudes toward FDI, regardless of environmental impact. However, environmental impact is a significant component of how some individuals form perspectives about FDI: respondents that prioritize the environment have more positive attitudes toward FDI when they are exposed to a higher share of FDI with relatively less environmental impact. Among all respondents, exposure to more economically beneficial FDI has a stronger positive impact when a higher percentage of the FDI is in lower-polluting industries.

通过包容实现排斥：多方利益相关者治理时代的管理实践

题目：Excluding through inclusion: managerial practices in the era of multistakeholder governance

作者：Juanita Uribe，日内瓦国际关系及发展高等研究院博士后研究员。

摘要：管理实践是大多数全球政策议程的基础。现有研究表明了这些做法如何重塑了公共部门，促进了问题的市场化，并改变了组织结构。本文强调，管理实践也是政治边缘化的核心驱动力。当管理实践被纳入多方利益相关者进程时，就会产生两个排斥性过程：容纳不同意见和统一政治主体。它们将共识作为组织目标，将政治视为市场。通过对联合国粮食系统峰会的研究，文章展示了在多方利益相关者模式中，管理主义如何通过援引开放、自发和无规则的理想，而不是传统的“命令与控制”原则，来排斥批评的声音。此外，文章还揭示了私营咨询公司所扮演的新角色，如今这些公司不仅负责实施繁重的官僚改革，还越来越多地参与到“优化”政治斗争中，并影响着关于社会治理方式的讨论。

Managerial practices underpin most global policy agendas. Existing research shows how these practices have reshaped the public sector, facilitated the marketization of problems, and altered organizational structures. This article highlights that managerial practices are also a central driver of political marginalization. When incorporated into multistakeholder processes, managerial practices engender two exclusionary processes: the accommodation of dissent and the uniformization of political subjects. They do so by making consensus an organizational goal and by treating politics as a marketplace. Through an examination of the United Nations Food Systems Summit, the article shows how, within multistakeholder models, managerialism sidelines critical voices by invoking ideals of openness, spontaneity, and the absence of rule, rather than traditional principles of ‘command and control’. Additionally, it unpacks the novel roles assumed by private consultancy firms, which are nowadays not only tasked with implementing weighty bureaucratic reforms but are also increasingly involved in ‘optimizing’ political struggles and shaping debates on how societies ought to be governed.

巧妙组合政治：制定全球供应链法规的企业行为者

题目：Smart mix politics: business actors in the formulation of global supply chain regulation

作者：Philip Schleifer,阿姆斯特丹大学政治学副教授；Luc Fransen，阿姆斯特丹大学国际关系副教授。

摘要：欧盟和其他发达经济体正在转向强制性尽职调查监管，以应对其全球供应链中的环境和人权风险。伴随着这一转变，全球南方生产国呼吁 “智能监管”，将公共立法与私人治理工具和新的支持措施相结合。本文以《欧盟森林砍伐条例》为例，研究了智能监管议程。本文揭示了该条例的进步言论如何掩盖了其保守色彩，因为企业行为者及其民间社会合作伙伴旨在维护其在公共供应链监管时代的既得利益。然而，通过追踪他们在整个政策制定过程中的游说努力，本文表明这并不意味着对自愿的、更软的监管形式的全面支持。此外，这些行为者在让南方行为者参与这种组合时表现出不同的动机和偏好。因此，与其说他们形成了一个有凝聚力的政策联盟，不如说他们的偏好从保守到进步，在这个监管变革的时代形成了新的联盟和分歧。通过揭示 “智能组合政治 ”的复杂性，本文推进了对全球供应链治理中企业行为体不断演变的角色、定位和影响力的重要研究。

The European Union and other advanced economies are turning to mandatory due diligence regulation to address environmental and human rights risks in their global supply chains. This shift is accompanied by calls for ‘smart regulation’ that combines public legislation with private governance instruments and new supporting measures in the producer countries of the Global South. We study the smart regulation agenda in the case of the European Union Deforestation Regulation. We reveal how its progressive rhetoric masks a conservative undertone as business actors and their civil society partners aim to safeguard their vested interests in the age of public supply chain regulation. However, by tracing their lobbying efforts throughout the policy formulation process, we show how this does not imply en bloc support for voluntary, softer forms of regulation. Moreover, these actors exhibit varying motivations and preferences for involving Southern actors in such a mix. Consequently, rather than forming a cohesive policy coalition, their preferences span from conservative to progressive, resulting in new alliances and divisions in this time of regulatory change. By untangling the complexities of ‘smart mix politics’, this article advances critical research into the evolving role, positioning, and influence of business actors in global supply chain governance.

企业创新体系的多样性及其与全球和国家体系的相互作用：亚马逊、Facebook、谷歌和微软生产和应用人工智能的战略

题目：Varieties of corporate innovation systems and their interplay with global and national systems: Amazon, Facebook, Google and Microsoft’s strategies to produce and appropriate artificial intelligence

作者：Cecilia Rikap, 伦敦大学学院经济学副教授。

摘要：广为接受的创新全球化包含两个相互关联、理论不足的方面：(1) 某些企业有能力协调跨国创新体系，并利用成功的成果，有人用企业创新体系（CIS）的概念来解释这一点；(2) 这种全球化与这些企业创新体系和国家创新体系的共存。针对这些问题，本文分析了美国大科技公司的人工智能（AI）CIS，发现它们结合了多种机制来共同生产和利用人工智能。本文提议用“敌人”来形容微软的战略，因为许多中国组织甚至直接竞争对手都整合了微软的CIS。大学 "象征着谷歌的战略，因为它专注于基础人工智能，在人工智能研究领域居于核心地位，而占有机制并未转化为明显的商业优势。亚马逊的战略是 “保密”，即最大限度地增加知识流入，同时最大限度地减少知识流出。Facebook 的人工智能 CIS 范围最窄，其战略是 “以应用为中心”。归根结底，本文有助于理解领先企业用于控制和塑造前沿跨国知识生产和占有的多种机制。通过这样做，本文增进了我们对不同创新领域（国家、全球和企业）之间相互作用的了解，并强调了 CIS 侵蚀国家和全球体系的危险。

The widely accepted globalization of innovation entails two interrelated undertheorized aspects: (1) the capacity of certain firms to orchestrate transnational innovation systems appropriating successful results, which some have explained with the concept of corporate innovation systems (CIS), and (2) the co-existence of such globalization with those CIS and national innovation systems. I address these matters analysing US Big Tech artificial intelligence (AI) CIS showing that they combine multiple mechanisms to co-produce and appropriate AI. I propose ‘frenemy’ to describe Microsoft’s strategy because many Chinese organizations and even direct competitors integrate its CIS. ‘University’ symbolises Google’s strategy, given its focus on fundamental AI, its central place in the AI research field and appropriation mechanisms that are not translating into clear business advantages. ‘Secrecy’ defines Amazon’s strategy, maximizing knowledge inflows while minimizing outflows. Facebook, with the narrowest AI CIS, exhibits an ‘application-centred’ strategy. Ultimately, this paper contributes to understanding the multiple mechanisms used by leading corporations for controlling and shaping frontier transnational knowledge production and appropriation. By doing so, it advances our knowledge of the interplay between different innovation spheres (national, global and corporate) and highlights the dangers of CIS’s encroachment of national and global systems.

提高标准--精英律师事务所与国际商事法院在世界经济中的崛起

题目：Pushing the bar – elite law firms and the rise of international commercial courts in the world economy

作者：Robert Basedow，伦敦政治经济学院国际政治经济学副教授。

摘要：近三十年来，国际商事法院（ICCs）在世界各地兴起。国际商事法院为国际商事争端提供裁决。它们并非如其名称所示是国际法的产物，而是嵌入国家法律秩序的专门国内法院。国际商事法院的崛起令人瞩目，因为学者们预计商事仲裁将在二十一世纪逐渐取代诉讼。是什么推动了国际商事法院的创立？法律研究表明，国际商事法院是全球治理中果断的单边主义新时期体现。学者们指出了国家的地缘政治动机、对以仲裁形式出现的私人权威的反弹以及经济国策。本研究借鉴新相互依存方法，认为大多数国际商事法院都是精英律师事务所为扩大全球商业诉讼市场而进行政策创业的结果。根据不同的法律政治背景，他们与国内司法机构或政治领导人结成联盟，共同推进国际商事法院项目。本研究强调了全球争端解决格局的深层次变化、商法在国际政治经济学（IPE）中的重要作用，并指出了律师事务所和司法机构作为全球经济治理设计师所具有的被忽视的重要意义。

In the last thirty years, international commercial courts (ICCs) have emerged around the world. ICCs offer adjudication in international commercial disputes. They are not creatures of international law – as their name may suggest – but specialized domestic courts embedded in national legal orders. The rise of ICCs is remarkable in that scholars expected commercial arbitration to gradually displace litigation in the twenty first century. What drives the creation of ICCs? Legal research suggests that ICCs are a manifestation of a new era of assertive unilateralism in global governance. Scholars point to states’ geopolitical motives, backlashes against private authority in the form of arbitration, and economic statecraft. Drawing on the New Interdependence Approach, this study argues that most ICCs are the result of policy entrepreneurship of elite law firms in the pursuit of growing the global market for commercial litigation. Depending on the legal-political context, they forge coalitions with domestic judiciaries or political leaders to advance ICC projects. The study highlights deep-rooted changes in the global dispute resolution landscape, the important role of commercial law in International Political Economy (IPE), and points to the mostly overlooked significance of law firms and judiciaries as architects of global economic governance.

艰苦奋斗：塞内加尔的结构转型、政府财政和债务危机重现

题目：Earnest struggles: structural transformation, government finance and the recurrence of debt crisis in Senegal

作者：Kai Koddenbrock，柏林巴德学院政治经济学教授。

摘要：面对一个更加多极化的世界，国际政治经济学的学者们正在锐化他们的工具，以理解后殖民体制的漫长岁月、国际金融从属关系和对自决的追求。本文阐释了塞内加尔后殖民历史中 “艰苦卓绝的斗争 ”这一概念，并说明历届政府确实都在努力克服困难，推动国家向前发展。文章重点论述了三场斗争：第一，从 1960 年到 1980 年，塞内加尔试图摆脱殖民地经济作物和法国的影响，实现经济转型。第二，1980 年至 2004 年间应对全球南方债务危机和非洲金融共同体法郎贬值 50%的斗争。第三，自 2004 年国际债务减免至今，塞内加尔利用新发现的财政空间和新的外债形式努力扩大经济。根据金融数据以及在达喀尔和巴黎进行的访谈，本文认为这些斗争带来了一些结构性转变。然而，债务危机的危险并没有消失，经济自决仍然岌岌可危。对外国资金的依赖一直存在，并在近几年达到了创纪录的水平。相对脱钩和寻求地区互补性为摆脱国际金融从属的结构性条件提供了更有希望的途径。

Faced with a more multipolar world, scholars of International Political Economy are sharpening their tools to make sense of the longue durée of post-colonial institutions, international financial subordination and the quest for self-determination. This article develops the notion of ‘earnest struggles’ in Senegal’s postcolonial history and shows that successive governments have indeed tried to move their country forward against the odds. The focus is on three struggles: First, the attempts at transforming the Senegalese economy away from colonial cash crops and the influence of the French from 1960 to 1980. Second, the struggle of grappling with Global South debt crisis and the devaluation of the Franc CFA by 50% between 1980 to 2004. Third, the struggle to expand the Senegalese economy with newfound fiscal space and novel forms of external debt since international debt relief in 2004 until today. Based on financial data and interviews in Dakar and Paris, I argue that these struggles have led to some structural transformation. However, the danger of debt crisis has not gone, and economic self-determination has remained precarious. Dependence on foreign finance has stayed and reached record levels in recent years. Relative delinking and the search for regional complementarities offers a more promising avenue to break out of the structural condition of international financial subordination.

超越控制？私人拦截、入侵和监控市场的政治经济学

题目：Beyond control? The political economy of private interception, intrusion, and surveillance markets

作者：Lars Gjesvik，挪威国际事务研究院高级研究员。

摘要：私人入侵、拦截和监控（PIIS）市场是数字监控制度全球扩张的一个重要载体。然而，由于其不透明性和众所周知的保密性，这些市场受到的学术关注相对较少。本文通过对由 5973 份行业报告、访谈和行业报告组成的独特数据集进行三角分析，为市场结构和公共控制努力的演变提供了新颖的见解。本文将 PIIS 市场概念化为一个动态多变的集合体，强调了社会、政治和技术层面的结合如何塑造了控制的等级制度和机构。本文的研究结果表明，地域化、不断变化的技术能力和排序这三个相互交织的动态因素一直在破坏限制市场运作的尝试。在反思这些过去的失败时，本文提出的方法指出了时机的重要性，并强调有必要从组合的角度重新认识国家与市场关系中的控制权，务实地跨越官僚的界限，利用跨越公共和私人鸿沟的不同权力中心。考虑到人们对经济依赖性和高科技市场战略层面的兴趣与日俱增，这些发现对当前有关经济安全国家崛起的辩论具有更广泛的意义。

rivate intrusion, interception, and surveillance (PIIS) markets represent a key vehicle for the global expansion of digital surveillance regimes. Yet, due to their opacity and notorious secrecy, these markets have received relatively little scholarly attention. Triangulating between a unique dataset comprising 5973 industry presentations, interviews, and industry reports, this article provides novel insights into the evolution of market structures and public control efforts. Conceptualizing the PIIS-market as a dynamic and fluid assemblage, we highlight how the enmeshment of social, political, and technological dimensions shaped hierarchies and agencies of control. Our findings point towards the existence of three intersecting dynamics of territorialization, changing technological affordances, and ordering that persistently undermined attempts to limit market operations. In reflecting on these past failures, the presented approach points towards the importance of timing and highlights a need to re-conceptualize control in state-market relations from an assemblage perspective, pragmatically working across bureaucratic boundaries and leveraging disparate power centers across the public and private divide. Considering the growing interest in economic dependencies and the strategic dimension of high-tech markets, these findings have a wider relevance to current debates about the rise of economic security states.

全球航天工业的组织生态

题目：The organizational ecology of the global space industry

作者：Jean-Frédéric Morin，拉瓦尔大学政治学教授；Guillaume Beaumier，国家公共管理学院 (ENAP) 政治学和国际研究的助理教授。

摘要：全球太空产业正在蓬勃发展。过去，政府机构在外层空间活动中占据主导地位，而现在，私人太空组织（PSOs）发射火箭、运营战略卫星，甚至带领游客进行太空探险。该如何解释私营太空组织的出现？本文以组织生态学理论为基础，利用 1751 个太空组织的新数据集和 52 个半结构式访谈，发现政府太空机构与私营太空组织之间的互助关系对私营太空组织的崛起起到了重要作用。对互惠关系的强调挑战了少数有远见的私营企业家从零开始创建航天工业的普遍看法。这也驳斥了 PSO 只是在与停滞不前的公共部门竞争中胜出的观点。PSO 并没有取代政府航天机构，它们是在政府航天机构的培育下发展起来的。本文是最早解释私营机构如何在一个历来由政府机构主导的领域中崛起的文章之一。在此过程中，本文通过展示互助主义如何构建一个新兴产业，为公私互动研究做出了贡献。它还通过提供丰富的太空参与者数据集，为外层空间政治经济学研究开辟了新途径。

The global space industry is booming. While governmental agencies used to dominate outer space activities, private space organizations (PSOs) now launch rockets, operate strategic satellites, and even take tourists on space expeditions. How can we explain this emergence of PSOs? Building on organizational ecology theory and drawing on a novel dataset of 1751 space organizations and 52 semi-structured interviews, this paper finds that mutualistic relations between governmental space agencies and PSOs have been instrumental in the rise of PSOs. This emphasis on mutualism challenges the prevailing belief that a few visionary private entrepreneurs create the space industry from the ground up. It also refutes the notion that PSOs simply out-compete a stagnant public sector. PSOs have not superseded governmental space agencies; they are nurtured by and developed with them. This paper is one of the first to explain how private actors can emerge in a field historically dominated by governmental actors. In so doing, it contributes to studies on public-private interactions by showing how mutualism can structure a nascent industry. It also opens up new avenues for research on the political economy of outer space by making available a rich dataset of space actors.

译者：王涵婧，国政学人编译员，伦敦大学学院美国研究硕士研究生。

审校 | 赖永祯

排版 | 杨语灵

本文源于《国际政治经济学评论》（RIPE）Vol.31,No.6, 2024，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。

来源：国政学人