摘要：《太平洋评论》（The Pacific Review）是太平洋地区研究的主要平台，作为跨学科期刊，其宗旨和目标为打破研究领域之间以及学术界、新闻界、政府和商界之间的壁垒，重点关注政策问题。根据Journal Citation Reports显示，2024年该刊
期刊简介
《太平洋评论》（The Pacific Review）是太平洋地区研究的主要平台，作为跨学科期刊，其宗旨和目标为打破研究领域之间以及学术界、新闻界、政府和商界之间的壁垒，重点关注政策问题。根据Journal Citation Reports显示，2024年该刊的影响因子为2.3。
本期目录
1 俄罗斯对乌克兰发动军事行动后中俄关系的改善
Sino-Russian rapprochement after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine
2 应对危机：日本外交政策的变化与对乌克兰的官方开发援助（2014—2023）
Responding to the crisis: Japan’s changing foreign policy and ODA to Ukraine (2014–2023)
3 东南亚LGBT的权利主张和政治参与
LGBT rights claiming and political participation in Southeast Asia
4 小国拯救国际自由经济秩序的关键权力：来自东亚的案例
Pivotal power of small states to save the international liberal economic order: the case from East Asia
5 中国地位的提升：一种关系视角
The rise of China’s status: a relational approach
6 马来西亚信息通信技术行业的政策制定：迈向发展型网络国家
Malaysia’s ICT sector policymaking: toward a developmental network state
7 网络领域的旭日：日本向积极网络防御的战略转变
Rising sun in the cyber domain: Japan’s strategic shift toward active cyber defense
内容摘要
俄罗斯对乌克兰发动军事行动后中俄关系的改善
题目：Sino-Russian rapprochement after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine
作者：Gaziza Shakhanova，布拉格经济与商业大学简·马萨里克国际研究中心。
摘要：本文的目标是分析自乌克兰战争爆发以来，中国的规范性权力对俄罗斯的影响是否发生了显著变化。文章发现，尽管俄罗斯对中国的依赖日益增加，但在俄罗斯话语体系中，中国规范性权力的成功度没有发生显著变化。俄罗斯官员未照搬中国的倡议，反而提出了具有竞争力的自主倡议。与此同时，文章观察到俄罗斯精英阶层对中国的看法发生了显著变化：有别于战前的态度，战争爆发后，他们以更加积极的方式描绘中国。
The goal of the present article is to analyse if there was an observable change in the impact of Chinese normative power on Russia after the start of the war in Ukraine. The article finds that despite Russia’s growing dependence on China there have been no significant changes in the measure of success of Chinese normative power in Russian discourse. Russian officials refuse to copy Chinese initiatives and instead produce competitive initiatives of their own. At the same time the article observes a significant change in the perception of China among the Russian elites: while before the invasion they had a tendency to look down on China, after the invasion they portray China in a radically more positive manner.
应对危机：日本外交政策的变化与对乌克兰的官方开发援助（2014—2023）
题目：Responding to the crisis: Japa’s changing foreign policy and ODA to Ukraine ( 2014-2023 )
作者：Kamila Szczepanska，图尔库大学东亚研究中心；Olga Barbasiewicz，华沙社会科学与人文大学社会科学研究所；Viktoriya Voytsekhovska，利沃夫国立理工大学经济与管理系。
摘要：2022年的俄乌危机是日本外交与安全政策的一个重要转折点，日本政府采取了多种政治、经济/金融以及有限军事措施来支持乌克兰。本文探讨了2022年危机后日本外交政策变化中一个较少被探索的方面，即日本对乌克兰的开发援助。文章从长远角度出发，基于日本在国际社会中的角色变化，探讨了2014至2023年间日本对乌克兰开发援助的趋势与方向。基于角色理论视角，探索了安倍晋三（2012—2020）倡导的积极和平贡献者国家角色概念与指导日本对俄外交行为的具体议题角色概念之间的摩擦，这些摩擦进而塑造了日本对俄乌紧张局势的反应。文章阐明了日本对乌克兰官方开发援助的波动如何帮助理解角色冲突及其管理，以及2022年以来岸田文雄领导下日本外交政策的再平衡与变化。
The Russian aggression on Ukraine (2022) has marked a significant critical juncture for Japan’s foreign and security policies, and Japanese government has deployed a multitude of political, economic/financial, and limited military measures to support Ukraine. The article investigates a less-explored aspect of Japan’s foreign policy change in the post-2022 crisis setting, namely the development assistance provided to Ukraine. The manuscript discusses this subject from a long-term perspective, exploring the trends in—and directionality of—Japanese development assistance to Ukraine in the context of Japan’s evolving role in the international community between 2014 and 2023. It utilises a role theoretical approach to explore the frictions between the ambitious proactive contributor to peace national role conception promoted by PM Abe Shinzō (2012-2020) and the issue-specific role conceptions guiding Japan’s foreign policy behaviour towards Russia that shaped Japan’s response to the Ukraine-Russia tensions. The article elucidates how the fluctuations in Japanese ODA flows to Ukraine may contribute to our understanding of role conflict and how it was managed, as well as the rebalancing of and changes in Japanese foreign policy that have been occurring since 2022 under PM Kishida Fumio’s leadership.
东南亚LGBT的权利主张和政治参与
题目：LGBT rights claiming and political participation in Southeast Asia
作者：Anthony J. Langlois，科廷大学商业与法律学院应用伦理学系主任。
摘要：本文通过参与模式分析框架解读了东盟人权体制的创建、SOGIESC权利主张的发展（SOGIESC指性取向、性别认同、性别表达和性别特征），以及与恐同现象和反对LGBT权利相关的社会冲突。在倡导保护性和性别多样性权利的背景下，这一框架被用于解释权利和价值观主导的语言和制度的不同运用。作者首先阐述了参与模式方法，并回顾了其此前如何使用这一方法分析SOGIESC权利主张。接着，作者展示了这一方法在理解东盟精英层人权制度的出现方面的作用，随后指出它如何也可被用于分析非精英群体对SOGIESC权利的抵制。精英与非精英的抵制都可以与“亚洲价值”这一古老的反权利话语相关联，作者以印度尼西亚、马来西亚和新加坡三个国家为例对此加以说明。综合来看，这些例子说明了参与模式分析能够为该地区经常出现的对立和竞争性人权政治提供具有说服力的解释。
In this paper, I read the creation of the ASEAN human rights regime, the development of SOGIESC rights claiming (where this denotes sexual orientation, gender identity & expression, and sex characteristics), and the social conflict associated with homophobia and the backlash to LGBT rights through modes of participation analysis. This framework is used to interpret the different uses of rights and values-denominated language and institutions in the context of advocacy for sexuality and gender diversity rights protection. I first explicate the modes of participation approach and reprise how I have previously used this to analyse SOGIESC rights claiming. I then show its utility for understanding the emergence of the elite level human rights regime in ASEAN, before indicating how it can also be used to analyse non-elite resistance to SOGIESC rights. Both elite and non-elite resistance can be linked to the older anti-rights discourse of “Asian Values”, which I illustrate with refence to three states: Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. Taken together, these examples illustrate the capacity of modes of participation analysis to provide a persuasive account of the often contrasting and competing politics of human rights in the region.
小国拯救国际自由经济秩序的关键权力：来自东亚的案例
题目：Pivotal power of small states to save the international liberal economic order: the case from East Asia
作者：Trissia Wijaya，立命馆大学亚洲日本研究机构；Jessica C. Liao，北卡罗来纳州立大学；Ewon Baik，南加州大学；Saori N. Katada，南加州大学。
摘要：在地区和全球秩序处于动荡之时，特别是在权力转移时期，中小型国家能够获得显著的影响力。自2008年全球金融危机以来，笔者尤为明显地观察到这种动态，当时美国和中国这两个超级大国之间的竞争加剧，进而影响了自由国际经济秩序（LIEO）的稳健性。在这种背景下，当条件合适时，小国在区域政治和经济秩序的制度化方面变得具有影响力。笔者认为，小国的以下三个特征在塑造其积极参与LIEO的方式上发挥了重要作用：首先是塑造动机的经济结构，其次是界定内部制约的政体类型，第三是施加外部约束的国际地位。本研究考察了越南、印度尼西亚和韩国自21世纪10年代以来采取的贸易政策，并比较了它们各自的做法及其对东亚和更广泛地区经济秩序建设的影响。
Small- and medium-sized states acquire significant influence when regional and global orders are in flux, as in times of power transition. We have observed such dynamics especially since the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, when the competition between two superpowers of the United States (US) and China has intensified in such a way that it affects the soundness of the liberal international economic order (LIEO). These smaller states have become influential in the institutionalization of regional political and economic orders when conditions are right. We argue that the following three aspects of a small state’s attributes influence heavily in shaping their proactive approach to LIEO. The first is its economic structure that shapes its motivation. The second is its polity type that defines internal constraints. The third and final component is its international status that imposes external constraints. This study examines trade policies taken by Vietnam, Indonesia, and South Korea from the 2010s and onward and compares their respective approaches and their impacts on economic order-building in East Asia and beyond.
中国地位的提升：一种关系视角
题目：The rise of China’s status: a relational approach
作者：Seulah Choi，高丽大学国际研究生院。
摘要：中国的地位在多大程度上提高了？又是如何提高的？尽管中国的地位在塑造其外交政策和全球现象方面发挥着关键作用，但对于中国在全球等级体系中的排名及其如何达到这一地位，学术界尚未达成共识。本文以现有的外交交流实证研究为基础，通过社会网络分析加以扩展，首次对中国在全球地位等级中的位置进行了系统分析。研究表明，中国的地位经历了显著增长，获得的外交承认数量大幅增加。尽管美国获得的承认超过了中国，但在过去三十年中，二者之间的差距已明显缩小；考虑到外交关系的质量，到2005年，中国的地位甚至超越了美国。研究还表明，外部和内部因素共同作用，提升了中国的地位。中国地位的提升并非随着其经济或军事能力的增长自动发生。相反，关系动态同样重要：20世纪70年代，美国这一最具声望的国家对中国的承认引发了多米诺骨牌效应，促使其他国家也开始承认中国。此外，中国强调与发展中的第三世界的关系，这使其能够通过与关系良好的国家和边缘化国家的互动，在外交网络中占据独特位置。这一外交策略反过来使中国拥有了重要的社会和中介力量，表明中国的影响力远比其物质能力所表明的更加强大。
To what extent has China’s status risen, and how? Despite the pivotal role of China’s status in shaping its foreign policy and global phenomena, there is no scholarly consensus on where China is ranked in the global hierarchy and how it attains such a position. Building on empirical studies that use diplomatic exchanges and extending them by employing social network analysis, this article provides the first systematic analysis of China’s standing in the global status hierarchy. My findings show that China’s status has experienced significant growth with a substantial increase in the number of diplomatic recognitions received. While the United States garnered more recognition than China, the gap between the two has narrowed significantly over the last three decades, and, when considering the quality of diplomatic ties, China’s status even surpassed that of the United States by 2005. Additionally, my findings suggest that both exogenous and endogenous factors worked in concert to elevate China’s status. The rise of China’s status did not occur automatically with its economic or military capabilities’ growth. Instead, relational dynamics were also important: recognition from the most prestigious country, the United States, in the 1970s triggered a domino effect, prompting other countries to recognize China. Furthermore, China’s emphasis on aligning with the developing Third World enables it to uniquely position itself in diplomatic networks by engaging with both well-connected and marginalized countries. This diplomatic portfolio, in turn, equips China with significant social and brokerage power, suggesting that its influence is far more formidable than its material capabilities alone would imply.
马来西亚信息通信技术行业的政策制定：迈向发展型网络国家
题目：Malaysia’s ICT sector policymaking: toward a developmental network state
作者：Greg Felker，威拉姆特大学。
摘要：马来西亚致力于打造具有国际竞争力的信息与通信技术（ICT）行业的历史，展示了国家干预主义如何塑造其发展轨迹。初期，马来西亚力图通过推出基于创新的前沿ICT产业以实现“跨越式”发展，然而这一雄心最终未能达成。近年来，该国在共享服务/全球业务流程外包子行业方面展现出强劲的发展活力，并为涵盖数字平台服务和创意内容的以ICT为基础的初创企业构建了一个蓬勃发展的生态系统。国家角色的转变体现了O’Riain所提出的“发展型网络国家”（DNS）模式的核心特征：在整个企业发展生命周期中，公共机构在产业政策实施中的权力下放和网络化，以及快速跟进的目标定位策略。与DNS模式有所不同的是，在马来西亚，企业生态系统政策方法并未通过将公共权力嵌入私营商业利益集团的网络而削弱国家在经济领域的整体领导地位。
The history of Malaysia’s efforts to develop an internationally competitive information and communication technology (ICT) sector demonstrates how state interventionism has shaped its development trajectory. Early ambitions to ‘leapfrog’ Malaysia’s development by launching a cutting-edge innovation-based ICT sector failed, yet recent dynamism has established an internationally competitive shared services/global business process outsourcing sub-sector, as well as created a thriving eco-system for ICT-based start-up entrepreneurship in industries such as digital platform services and creative content. The renovation of the state’s role exemplifies key features of O’Riain’s model of the developmental network state (DNS) including the decentralization and networking of public agencies implementing industrial policy across the enterprise development life cycle, as well as a fast-follower approach to targeting. Unlike the DNS model, however, in Malaysia an enterprise ecosystem policy approach has not eroded the state’s overall economic leadership by embedding public authority in networks with private business interest group constituencies.
网络领域的旭日：日本向主动网络防御的战略转变
题目：Rising sun in the cyber domain: Japan’s strategic shift toward active cyber defense
作者：Dai Mochinaga，芝浦工业大学系统工程与科学系副教授。
摘要：本文深入剖析了日本持续增强的网络防御能力，并探讨了其未来所面临的挑战。在21世纪，国家安全发生显著变化，网络空间成为关键的冲突领域。日本与其他国家一样，已经适应这些变化。2022年，日本政府提出了“主动网络防御”概念，并在《国家安全战略2022》中明确了这一立场，即采取“先发制人”策略攻击对手的服务器，这标志着日本安全与防卫领域的一个转折点。这一战略转变主要发生在2000年至2022年期间，凸显了日本在网络领域的转型。其网络空间保护范围已从主要保障民用基础设施，扩展至采取主动措施。本文分析了这一演变过程，并将日本的做法与西方国家的军事驱动型网络政策进行了对比。此外，本文还探讨了网络能力发展模式转变所带来的多方面挑战与机遇，分析内容涵盖政策制定、国际合作、预算分配和组织结构进展等关键领域。最后，本研究展望了日本在网络防御方面的未来发展方向，特别关注其在“多领域防卫力量”中的角色以及日美同盟的动态。
This paper provides an in-depth analysis of Japan’s evolving cyber defense capabilities and explores its future challenges. National security has transformed in the twenty first century, with cyberspace becoming a key conflict domain. Japan, like other nations, has adapted to these changes. In 2022, the Japanese government introduced its active cyber defense concept. The National Security Strategy of 2022 stated the government’s posture for active cyber defense, which pre-emptively neutralizes adversary computers. This marked a turning point in Japan’s security and defense. This strategic shift, which occurred notably between 2000 and 2022, exemplifies Japan’s transition in the cyber domain. The scope of protecting cyberspace has evolved from primarily safeguarding civilian infrastructure to adopting proactive measures. This evolution is analyzed in the paper, which contrasts Japan’s approach with Western nations’ military-driven cyber policies. Additionally, the multifaceted challenges and opportunities arising from this paradigm shift in cyber capability development are explored. The analysis encompasses key aspects, including the policy formation, international cooperation, budgetary allocations, and the progress of organizational structures regarding the cyber domain. Furthermore, the study explores Japan’s future trajectory in cyber defense, with a particular focus on its role within the ‘Multi-Domain Defense Force’ and the dynamics of the Japan-US alliance.
译者：汪平平，国政学人编译员，同济大学政治与国际关系学院外交学专业，研究兴趣为欧洲研究。
审校 | 张潇文
排版 | 崔笑蓉
本文源于《太平洋评论》（PR）, Vol. 38, No. 2, 2025，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。
来源：国政学人