摘要：《国际研究评论》（Review of International Studies）是由剑桥大学出版社代表英国国际研究协会出版且同行评审的国际关系学术期刊，其前身为British Journal of International Studies (1975 -
期刊简介
《国际研究评论》（Review of International Studies）是由剑桥大学出版社代表英国国际研究协会出版且同行评审的国际关系学术期刊，其前身为British Journal of International Studies (1975 - 1980) 。该期刊致力于反映全球政治的性质变化和新兴的政治挑战，旨在为国际社会搭建一个可供辩论的平台用以讨论当下紧迫的全球议题。过去五年综合影响因子为3.6。
目录
1 “主权仍是博弈的代名词”：毛利人政治话语中的原住民理论建构与战略纠缠
Sovereignty is still the name of the game’: Indigenous theorising and strategic entanglement in Māori political discourses
2 遗产与气候变化关系中的原住民：审视联合国教科文组织和政府间气候变化专门委员会（IPCC）边界工作的有效性
Indigenous peoples at the heritage–climate change nexus: Examining the effectiveness of UNESCO and the IPCC’s boundary work
3 总结原住民对边界的抵抗：在国际关系中挑战空间的殖民性
Indigenous resistance at the frontiers of accumulation: Challenging the coloniality of space in International Relations
4 论斗争的实验：通过研究福柯与原住民和非殖民化活动家的对话，寻求新的理论路径
On struggle as experiment: Foucault in dialogue with Indigenous and decolonial movement intellectuals, for a new approach to theory
5 打破肤色界限：日本与“非西方”的种族问题
Perforating colour lines: Japan and the problem of race in the ‘non-West’
6 音乐启迪：通过音乐探索知识实现国际关系的去殖民化
Music gonna teach: Decolonising IR through a musical exploration of knowledge
7 马来西亚的反殖民主义种族资本主义：争议性的逻辑与性别化的体系
Anti-colonial raced capitalism in Malaysia: Contested logics, gendered repertoires
8 走向后帝国时代和全球国际关系：重新审视哈塔米的文明对话思想
Towards a post-imperial and Global IR?: Revisiting Khatami’s Dialogue among Civilisations
内容摘要
“主权仍是博弈的代名词”：毛利人政治话语中的原住民理论建构与战略纠缠
题目：Sovereignty is still the name of the game’: Indigenous theorising and strategic entanglement in Māori political discourses
作者：Valentin Clavé-Mercier，马德里康普顿斯大学博士后研究员。
摘要：近几十年来，主权作为一种与解放政治相悖的欧洲中心主义概念，在学术界受到越来越多的审视，批判理论学者呼吁克服甚至摒弃这一概念。但对许多被殖民的民族来说，该理论却极具吸引力。原住民活动家和学者乐于运用主权这一语言，来概括和推进原住民的政治诉求。本文探讨了新西兰原住民毛利人如何在追求自治的当代政治话语中处理与主权概念的关系。基于对毛利人领袖、学者和活动家的访谈，本文对原住民如何运用主权理念解释政治思想提供了实证见解。本文凸显了原住民理论和毛利政治中都存在的一种矛盾心态，即在拒绝与重新阐释之间摇摆不定。通过分析毛利人当代概念策略，本文认为亚里马尔·博尼拉（Yarimar Bonilla）的“战略纠缠”概念对于理解毛利人以及新西兰以外的原住民对主权概念的运用提供了一个有效解释。因此，本文得出结论，主权框架在分析和政治层面上，对于了解当代原住民政治具有持续性的现实意义。
In recent decades, sovereignty has come under increased academic scrutiny for being a Eurocentric notion antithetical to emancipatory politics, leading critical theory scholars to call for an overcoming or even abandonment of the concept. Paradoxical as it may seem, it nonetheless remains an appealing ideal for many colonised peoples. Indigenous activists and scholars have actively re-appropriated the language of sovereignty to encapsulate and advance Indigenous political aspirations. This paper discusses how Māori, Aotearoa/New Zealand’s Indigenous people, navigate their relations to the concept in their contemporary political discourses pursuing self-governance. Building on interviews with Māori leaders, scholars, and activists, it offers empirical insights into Indigenous political thought’s engagement with the idea of sovereignty. It highlights an ambivalence oscillating between rejection and rearticulation present both in Indigenous theorising and Māori politics. From an analysis of Māori contemporary conceptual strategies, this paper suggests that Yarimar Bonilla’s notion of ‘strategic entanglement’ offers a productive account to comprehend the approached Māori actors’ deployment of the sovereignty concept, and possibly that of Indigenous peoples beyond Aotearoa. This paper thus highlights the continued relevance of the sovereignty framework, both analytically and politically, to meaningfully engage with contemporary Indigenous politics.
遗产与气候变化关系中的原住民：审视联合国教科文组织和政府间气候变化专门委员会（IPCC）边界工作的有效性
题目：Indigenous peoples at the heritage–climate change nexus: Examining the effectiveness of UNESCO and the IPCC’s boundary work
作者：Pedram Rashidi，昆士兰大学博士，人文、艺术与社会科学学院研究员。
摘要：人们越来越认识到，土著知识在增进对复杂生态威胁的集体理解和改进应对措施方面具有相当大的潜力，例如气候变化对文化遗产造成的威胁。与此同时，土著人民在参与促进了解这些问题的国际组织方面却面临结构性障碍。通过对边界组织（BO）理论的概念框架以及政府间气候变化专门委员会（IPCC）和联合国教科文组织的案例研究，文章发现，土著人民无法有效参与相关国际组织不仅是一个伦理问题，也损害了这些组织对相关问题评估的有效性。其边界工作未来的成功部分取决于与土著利益相关者的进一步接触。至少在遗产与气候变化关系中，IPCC和联合国教科文组织评估的显著性、合法性和可信度需要土著人民与其他国家、非国家方共同参与。生物多样性治理的成功经验表明，纳入《联合国土著人民权利宣言》（UNDRIP）的原则将提高土著人民在联合国教科文组织和政府间气候变化专门委员会的参与度。
There is increasing recognition that Indigenous knowledges have considerable potential to enhance collective understandings of and improve responses to complex ecological threats, such as those to cultural heritage from climate change. At the same time, it appears that Indigenous peoples face structural barriers to participation in international organisations that advance knowledge about those problems. Using the conceptual framework of boundary organisations (BOs) theory and case studies of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and UNESCO, I argue that the lack of meaningful Indigenous engagement in international knowledge institutions is not just an ethical problem; it also undermines the effectiveness of their assessments. The future success of their boundary work partly depends on further engagement with Indigenous stakeholders. At least at the heritage–climate change nexus, the salience, legitimacy, and credibility of IPCC and UNESCO assessments require substantive Indigenous representation alongside other state/non-state parties. Successful experiences in biodiversity governance indicate that incorporating the principles of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) would enhance Indigenous engagement in UNESCO and the IPCC.
总结原住民对边界的抵抗：在国际关系中挑战空间的殖民性
题目：Indigenous resistance at the frontiers of accumulation: Challenging the coloniality of space in International Relations
作者:Chris Hesketh，萨塞克斯大学国际关系专业讲师。
摘要：拉丁美洲长期受到殖民主义发展的影响，这种发展使原住民的领土空间被侵蚀。在当前形势下，该地区是世界上环境冲突数量最多的地区。这些冲突与自21世纪初以来在整个拉丁美洲大陆盛行的新采掘主义发展模式有着内在联系。原住民社群常常成为这种采掘式发展模式的受害者，由于殖民者积极扩大资源边界，他们的领土被广泛占用。这引发了新的政治冲突，因为原住民社群反过来主张对领土和资源的所有权。本文将这些冲突与作者所称的“空间殖民性”联系起来，即在国际关系的传统空间想象中，原住民的领土形式在理论中被剔除了，在全球政治经济的实践中也被一起否定。超越民族国家中心主义的领土陷阱，土著形式的抵抗提出了有关国际关系主体和行为者的重要问题。
Latin America has long been subjected to colonial development that has negated Indigenous territory. In the present conjuncture, the region is home to the largest volume of environmental conflicts in the world. These conflicts are intrinsically connected to the wider model of neo-extractivist development that has been embraced throughout the continent since the early 2000s. Indigenous communities have frequently been the victims of this model of extractive development, with their territories becoming the primary sites for the aggressive expansion of the resource frontier. This has generated new political conflicts, as Indigenous communities conversely assert claims to territory and resources. In this article, I link these conflicts to what I term the ‘coloniality of space’, whereby Indigenous territorial forms have been theoretically elided from traditional spatial imaginaries within International Relations and concretely negated through practices within the global political economy. Moving beyond the territorial trap of nation-state centrism, Indigenous forms of resistance raise important questions about the subject and actors of International Relations.
论斗争的实验：通过研究福柯与原住民和非殖民化活动家的对话，寻求新的理论路径
题目：On struggle as experiment: Foucault in dialogue with Indigenous and decolonial movement intellectuals, for a new approach to theory
作者：Lara Montesinos Coleman, 萨塞克斯大学国际法、伦理学和政治经济学教授。Doerthe Rosenow，伦敦国王学院国际关系学讲师。
摘要：若要促进批判性思维的解放斗争，就必须对权力和压迫的本质及其根源进行广泛且具有结构性的理论分析。这看似与米歇尔·福柯（Michel Foucault）所提出的质疑真理对权力具有内在影响这一批判性观点相悖。但福柯的哲学观点实际上取决于他自身对这种努力的尝试。更重要的是，他最终未能解决这一问题，这导致了这一理论的来源具有模糊性（尤其是在福柯主义、马克思主义和非殖民化国际关系之间日益趋同的背景下）。结合福柯对原住民和非殖民化活动家的解读，以及福柯主要影响者之一加斯东·巴什拉（Gaston Bachelard）的科学哲学理论，我们主张关注反资本主义剥削和（新）殖民主义的斗争如何以一种“实验性”的方式，将彼此不协调的理论以及本体论承诺结合在一起，从而构建结构性的权力阐释。这有助于激发我们的探究精神，以及用一种非线性的方法来探究方法、理论和相关的本体论承诺之间的关系，这正是传统上社会科学领域的学者使用的方法。
If critical thought is to contribute to liberatory struggle, it arguably requires a general, even structural, theorisation of the nature and sources of power and oppression. This appears to be at odds with the critical project of questioning the immanence of truth to power, as famously framed by Michel Foucault. Yet Foucault’s philosophical project in fact hinged upon his own attempts to grapple with this tension. What is more, his ultimate failure to resolve it led to ambiguities that might be considered generative (especially in light of increased rapprochement between Foucauldian, Marxian, and decolonial International Relations [IR]). Reading Indigenous and decolonial movement intellectuals in tandem with Foucault, alongside the philosophy of science of one of his major influences – Gaston Bachelard – we advocate attentiveness to the ‘experimental’ way in which struggles against capitalist extraction and (neo)colonialism hold together dissonant theoretical – and ontological – commitments when putting forward structural accounts of power. This leads us to an ethos of inquiry that starts from lived thought, as well as to a non-linear approach to the relations between method, theory, and associated ontological commitments, from which scholars are traditionally trained away in social science.
打破肤色界限：日本与“非西方”的种族问题
题目：Perforating colour lines: Japan and the problem of race in the ‘non-West’
作者：Carmina Yu Untalan，莱顿大学国际亚洲研究所（IIAS）的研究员。
摘要：为什么种族化国家认同国际种族等级制度？尽管国际关系领域的学术研究已对此做出解释，但它仍然局限于白人与非白人的二元对立，忽视了种族主义在二者之外的国际政治中的传播和持续存在。本文提出一种拉康式的解读，将种族视为现代世界秩序中国家主体性的构成要素，以弥合这一差距。文章聚焦于拉康的“他者缺失”概念，认为非西方和非白人种族主义是一种幻想，种族化的国家在遇到作为主要能指的“白”的空虚时构建了这种幻想。文章认为，种族化国家挪用种族主义是为了应对他者权威崩溃所引发的焦虑。文章以日本向现代民族国家转型为例，运用该框架来考察日本对西方种族理论的迷恋，以及随后通过创建自己的种族等级制度来脱离白人种族秩序的尝试。
Why do racialised states subscribe to the racial international hierarchy? While the critical scholarship in International Relations (IR) has meaningfully unsettled the discipline’s silence on race, it remains bound to the white versus non-white binary, neglecting the transmission and persistence of racism in international politics outside that divide. This article proposes a Lacanian reading of race as constitutive of state subjectivity in the modern world order to address this gap. Focusing on Lacan’s notion of the ‘lack in the Other’, I suggest that non-West/non-white racism is a fantasy that racialised states construct upon encountering the void of ‘Whiteness’ as a master signifier. I argue that racialised states appropriate racism in response to the anxiety induced by the collapse of the Other’s authority. Using the case of Japan’s transition to a modern nation-state, I mobilise the framework to examine Japan’s flirtation with Western racial theories and subsequent attempts to depart from the white racial order by creating its own racial hierarchy.
音乐启迪：通过音乐探索知识，实现国际关系的去殖民化
题目：Music gonna teach: Decolonising IR through a musical exploration of knowledge
作者：Kemi Fuentes-George，明德学院政治学副教授。
摘要：越来越多涵盖全球南方国家、原住民和女权主义视角的文献呼吁国际关系理论去殖民化。这些文献解释了威尔逊、芮恩施和施密特等早期国际关系学者的殖民思想和白人至上主义如何塑造了当代的国际关系学说，当今在对和平、主权和安全等核心概念的主流理解中仍反映了这些思想。国际关系去殖民化的必要性已得到充分证实，但实现这一目标的方法并不明确。本文探讨了如何通过参与非裔加勒比反叛音乐的全球政治来实现去殖民化。反叛音乐作为一种知识形式，它在与全球和反殖民主义的黑人国际关系理论的对话中产生，并通过复制其中蕴含的思想来延续。从文本和声音层面来看，“反叛音乐”批判了民族国家作为和平、安全与身份认同的主要载体的地位，构想了一种跨国界的黑人身份认同，也是我们聆听边缘群体声音、传达其对世界政治理解的主要形式之一。因此，接触“反叛音乐”是当代国际关系去殖民化的一种途径。
There is a growing body of literature calling for the decolonisation of International Relations (IR) theory. This literature, which includes perspectives from the Global South, Indigenous, and feminist approaches, has explained how the colonial thought and White supremacy of early IR scholars like Wilson, Reinsch, and Schmitt shaped the contemporary field and is still reflected in mainstream understandings of core concepts like peace, sovereignty, and security. The need to decolonise IR is well established, but the way to do so is not always clear. This paper explores how engaging with the global politics of Afro-Caribbean Rebel Music serves the decolonisation effort. We can understand Rebel Music as a form of knowledge that emerged in dialogue with, and continues to reproduce ideas embedded in, global and anti-colonial Black approaches to IR theory. Textually and sonically, Rebel Music critiques the nation-state as the primary agent of peace, security, and identity, imagines a transnational Black identity, and is one of the primary forms in which we can hear the voice of the marginalised communicate their understanding of world politics. Engaging with Rebel Music is thus one avenue to decolonising contemporary IR.
马来西亚的反殖民主义种族资本主义：争议性的逻辑与性别化的体系
题目：Anti-colonial raced capitalism in Malaysia: Contested logics, gendered repertoires
作者：Christopher Choong Weng Wai，马来西亚国库控股研究所的研究副主任，伦敦政治经济学院国际不平等研究所大西洋社会与经济平等研究员项目的高级研究员。
摘要：本文以非欧洲中心主义的视角，以英国殖民主义和日本帝国主义备受争议的种族逻辑为参考，将马来西亚的种族资本主义阐述为一项发展型的国家计划。通过历史梳理马来西亚的经验，文章将马来西亚发展型国家解读为一项以反殖民种族资本主义形式呈现的国家战略。这并非旨在将种族资本主义奉为反殖民的象征，而是旨在表明去殖民化也必须直面国有化种族资本主义反殖民中的霸权元素。本文以女性主义视角批判那些对资本主义关系置之不理的反殖民主义愿景，并提出了三点贡献。首先，将种族和殖民主义重新置于其对发展型国家的分析中，提出反殖民主义的种族资本主义作为一种语言，与类似的计划进行比较，这些计划在反霸权框架的形式下合法化掩盖了新的对种族和性别的支配形式。其次，在反殖民主义中引入政治概念，将其重建为一个由帝国地缘政治塑造的政治空间，其中包含相互竞争的愿景、想象和议程。第三，将性别、社会再生产和家庭作为反殖民主义政治的关键基础，为在全球经济边缘对种族资本主义发展的性别理解制定了框架。
This paper offers a non-Eurocentric account of raced capitalism in Malaysia, articulated as a developmental state project that has navigated the contested racial logics of British colonialism and Japanese imperialism. By historicising Malaysia’s experience, I provide a reading of the Malaysian developmental state as a project that has taken the form of anti-colonial raced capitalism. This is not meant to valorise raced capitalism as anti-colonial, but to suggest that decolonisation must also confront hegemonic elements engraved on the anti-colonial register of nationalised raced capitalism. In bringing a feminist critique to anti-colonial projects that leave capitalist relations uncontested, the paper makes three contributions. First, it recentres race and colonialism in its analysis of the developmental state, offering anti-colonial raced capitalism as a language that speaks to similar projects that enable, legitimise, and obscure new forms of racial/gender domination with counter-hegemonic frames. Second, it brings back politics to anti-colonialism, reestablishing it as a political space with competing visions, imaginations, and agendas, shaped by the geopolitics of empires. Third, it features gender, social reproduction, and the household as key sites to ground the politics of anti-colonialism, enacting the scaffolding for gendered understandings of raced capitalist development on the periphery of the global economy.
走向后帝国时代与全球国际关系：重温哈塔米文明对话思想
题目：Towards a post-imperial and Global IR?: Revisiting Khatami’s Dialogue among Civilisations
作者：Shabnam Holliday, 普利茅斯大学国际关系专业副教授。Edward Wastnidge，英国开放大学政治与国际研究高级讲师。
摘要：本文认为，“文明对话”对探讨国际关系欧洲中心主义的论战有重要贡献。它凸显了西方与非西方、国内与国际以及帝国与后帝国界限的模糊之处。主要体现在三个方面。首先，文明对话需要放在伊朗更广泛的历史背景及其多元的思想遗产中来理解。这表明，由于伊朗与所谓的西方之间的互动，认为西方与东方是截然不同的观念是有问题的。其次，哈塔米的思想探索建立在对西方政治思想、伊斯兰哲学和古代伊朗理念的共同探讨之上。最后，这一理念本身反映了一种内部对话，即西方文明与伊斯兰教以及伊朗的前伊斯兰遗产一起被视为伊朗政治文化不可分割的一部分。此外，这也是对后殖民穆斯林社会如何在保持后殖民本真性的同时与殖民势力互动的一种渴望。我们认为，深入了解伊朗，并重温哈塔米的文明对话可以作为一种途径，将“他者”的视角引入到国际论战，以及对西方的认识论和本体论的理解中。
This article argues that Dialogue among Civilisations can be put forward as a crucial contribution to debates addressing IR’s Eurocentrism. It highlights the blurring of West/non-West, domestic/international, and imperial/post-imperial bifurcations. This is evident in three ways. First, Dialogue among Civilisations needs to be appreciated in Iran’s wider historical context and its multifaceted intellectual heritages. This demonstrates that the idea of the West as distinctly different from the East is problematic because of engagement between Iran and the so-called West. Second, Khatami’s intellectual endeavours are based on a simultaneous engagement with Western political thought, Islamic philosophy, and the idea of Ancient Iran. Finally, the notion itself reflects an internal dialogue whereby Western civilisation along with Islam and Iran’s pre-Islamic heritages are considered integral to Iranian political culture. Furthermore, it is an aspiration for how post-colonial Muslim societies can engage with colonial power while maintaining a post-colonial authenticity. Our contention is that an in-depth understanding of Iran alongside a revisiting of Khatami’s Dialogue among Civilisations can act as a means of bringing the perspective of the ‘other’ into debates on the international and our epistemological and ontological understanding of the West.
译者：刘睿琦，国政学人编译员，毕业于都柏林大学。
审校 | 赖永祯 张潇文
排版 | 李琬莹
本文源于《国际研究评论》(RIS), Vol. 51, No. 1, 2025。本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。
来源：国政学人
